I just published a formal academic review of the new book Varieties of Jesus Mythicism (ed. by John Loftus and Robert Price, Hypatia 2022) in Socio-Historical Examination of Religion and Ministry (SHERM) 4. 1 (Summer 2022): 171‒192. You can buy the review there for $1.99 (as I’ve said before, it’s worth it to support that journal, and the whole business model of affordable academic article buys). What I will be doing here is expanding on some of the points I made there, so I won’t be replicating the content of that review. I’ll just summarize some of it and then expand here where I have more to say. So you might want to read that review before, or after, reading this extended commentary.
General Overview
The review abstract captures the overall gist of my review:
The edited volume, Varieties of Jesus Mythicism, aims to present diverse approaches and theories to the debate on Jesus’ historical existence. While it includes several enlightening and worthwhile contributions, there are too many amateur contributions employing dubious claims and methodologies. The result is that, apart from the few worthy contributions, the book as a whole is only useful for comparing poor with genuine scholarship. And some advice on how to make such a comparison, so as to distinguish the one from the other, is here provided.
Its opening sentences complete the picture:
The theories presented in this book range from the completely crank to the serious and credible. They often contradict each other, but it was not the intention of the editors to produce a coherent case for its main thesis, but rather to sample the different kinds of cases that are being made for Jesus Mythicism. This is both an asset and a problem for the anthology.
I start with generally critical paragraphs for why the whole project of mixing good with terrible proposals like this is a bad idea that should never have been attempted. You can get my take on that there. The only good side of this is as I state in the review:
If someone wants to spend (or some might say, waste) their time debunking the crank theories presented [here], this volume gives you the best starting point for doing so. You receive each theory’s “best elevator speech” in about twenty pages, referencing its principal bibliography that you can use to dive into the particulars.
I then discuss the bad chapters and what’s wrong with then, and then I get to the value of the good chapters in this volume, as not all of them are crank nonsense, and some could even be described as required reading for someone who wants to be thoroughly versed in this subject. In those sections I survey the chapters of the book and what’s in general good or bad about them. And in the process I emphasize a practical theme: I use this as a teaching example for how to tell the difference between crank and competent scholarship. All of that you can get from the review itself. Here I will essentially just add extended footnotes to many of the points made in the course of that argument. I won’t bring up here every author in the book (in some cases the review says all that’s needed), only ones on which I want to add points or material not in the review.
What you’ll also get in the review is more detail on what I now call my “Grand Unified Theory of Crankery” (or GUTC), a set of “procedures” offered “with total and unquestioning confidence to be the correct method to use in history but which in fact is exactly the opposite of any competent or sound historical method.” I outline three of the many “rules” the GUTC typically consists of: relying on obsolete rather than the latest scholarship; relying on the possibility fallacy (anything even remotely possible, is therefore automatically probable); and ignoring important evidence against one’s thesis and instead only cherry-picking evidence in support if it. More details, and examples, are in the review.
Lockwood
Michael Lockwood’s chapter tries to push the claim that Christianity derived from Buddhism. Nothing in it supports that conclusion. If this is the best that thesis has, it’s a dead thesis. Move on. One of my examples is Lockwood’s illogical argument that because we can find “miraculous literacy” in Buddhist traditions, therefore Jesus’s literacy in Luke-Acts is borrowing the idea from Buddhism. Even apart from the basic methodological problems (e.g. Lockwood does nothing to establish the relative chronology of the pertinent texts), this argument is a blatant non sequitur.
Just because people all over the world imagine gods surely must be able to read, does not mean they all got the idea from each other, or anyone at all. It’s just an obvious inference for anyone who believes in divinely wise or inspired beings (surely God and his angels can read his own Word). And the myth of Jesus being able to read already has well probable explanations in local facts, like indeed that mythographers wanted to ensure Jesus was understood to be as competent as the Apostle Paul; or that, indeed, Jesus simply was literate. He is routinely called Rabbi in the Gospels, and only the literate could claim such a title (so he might, in fact, have actually been literate; and even if not, since he had to be at least as wise as a Rabbi, he “had” to be as literate in any tale told of him); whereas rewriting literate persons as having been illiterate to make their achievements seem more divinely inspired is another known motif in religious myth-making.
This happened to Mohammed—a son of the wealthy mercantile elite would not have been illiterate, but claiming he was forms a seed of apologetic propaganda endorsing the Quran as miraculous (on questioning his historicity, see Did Muhammad Exist? (Why That Question Is Hard to Answer)). And in his Epistles Paul would surely have made much of the fact that Peter, James, and John were illiterate, and thus unlike Paul could not read the Scriptures—had that been the case. Which means it wasn’t. So the later contrivance (in the Gospels and Acts) of the Apostles as illiterates looks to be the actual myth here, and not the other way around. In any case, with readily available, highly plausible theories already in place, there is no logical way to get to “Luke got this idea from Buddhism.” Maybe (Buddhists had visited the West by then). But there is no evidence at all that he did. And it’s already the least likely hypothesis of those already on the table. And that’s not only because Luke is writing sixty to eighty years after the religion began—so what he thought would be neat to add or claim can’t really inform the origin of Christianity in the first place.
Another example I didn’t bring up in the review is how Lockwood frequently skips over glaring problems, such as the fact that we have the letters of Paul testifying to having personally met Peter and James and John in Jerusalem; so how can Lockwood claim they are actually mythical constructs based on the historical disciples of Buddha? (As Lockwood claims, p. 74.) Does he not know we have earlier documents containing eyewitness testimony to their historicity? Or does he have some other elaborate unstated theory as to how all these letters were forged? (Pro tip: That’s unlikely.) Crankery is based on epicycle after epicycle like this. Rather than its thesis being a straightforward result of accumulated facts and evidence, it requires a dozen other bizarre, unattested things to be true, requiring elaborate argument after elaborate argument. Rather than attempting to establish one remarkable controversial conclusion from plainly presented or widely accepted evidence, cranks have to present a dozen of them, one after another, just to get the one final conclusion they want to hold up. When you pay attention, you’ll realize this is all an exercise in anti-falsification: “explaining away” all the evidence against their conclusion, rather than simply accepting its effect on their conclusion’s probability.
Atwill
There is nothing even plausible about Atwill’s thesis. And it is only ever defended with falsehoods and non sequiturs. It simply isn’t at all believable that the Roman imperial administration forged the entire New Testament to simultaneously pacify and mock the Jews. All the evidence contradicts this. And it has no basic plausibility even in the general behavior or Roman administrations. It’s just an exercise in lunatic tea-leaf reading on a par with any random Bible Code nonsense. I survey examples of Atwill’s distortions and bad logic in my review, and discuss there how they reflect my GUTC. Here I’ll add a few more examples to drive home the point.
In this chapter, right after arguing one verse in Luke 9 emulates an event in the campaign of Titus (which I address in the review), Atwill claims the Samaritan waylaid by robbers in a parable told in Luke 10:25-37 “symbolizes” the 12th legion in Josephus’s narrative of the same war against the Jews. That Luke uses Josephus as a source text for narrative color is well established. But there is no evidence of his ever imitating anything about Titus or his strategic narrative like this. There is a reason Atwill can never get any of these claims past peer review (whereas those other claims have passed; note the difference not only in that outcome, but how they achieved it). As in this case: Atwill will just skip around among verses in Luke looking for anything he can make fit his fever dream, ignoring intervening material or even the order Luke puts anything in, and also just randomly switch time periods in the supposed parallelism of the war (by Atwill’s reckoning, Luke 10 jumps back in time to before the events of Titus emulated in Luke 9, and for no intelligible reason). These are signs of retrofitting, the same trick pulled by spirit mediums and “psychics” to try and make the audience think some amazing bit of knowledge has been gleaned when in fact the odds of a random hit were just jacked up by techniques like this: increase the number of chances for a random hit by disregarding textual and temporal order, and all your misses, and absurdly expanding the number of “ways” a hit can be claimed. This isn’t just crankery, it’s quackery.
Titus was not involved in the massacre of the 12th legion; he wasn’t even in theatre yet. So why is this supposed to exemplify Atwill’s thesis that the story follows Titus? Nor does Josephus ever mention Titus “rescuing” and reconstituting that legion as Atwill claims. After its destruction, the next we hear of it is that it was stationed with Titus at Caesarea when he marched on Jerusalem (Josephus, Jewish War 5.1); we’re told nothing of how it came to be there or who rebuilt it, and Titus still later punishes it for its cowardice by sending it to a remote outpost after the war (Ibid., 7.1), hardly creating any intelligible parallel with Jesus’s parable. And Josephus can’t have intended parallels he himself failed to signal.
We clearly aren’t supposed to think too hard about Atwill’s thesis here, which would require the Gospel of Luke to follow Josephus’s account of Titus’s prosecution of that war point-by-point, not skip around incoherently. And never mind that the Samaritan in the parable was waylaid while “going down from Jerusalem to Jericho,” whereas the 12th legion was going in exactly the opposite direction, from Jerusalem to Antipatris (northwest, towards the coast; not inland, east). And never mind there is no specific reference to Samaria in Josephus’s account of the legion’s destruction, nor any allusion to the twelfth legion in Luke. Nor do the stories bear any alignment of messaging. They don’t even mean the same thing (nor its deliberate opposite). So how can a parallel be intended in his supposed composing of Luke? The actual author of Luke is having Jesus tell an ahistorical story about neglecting one’s neighbor in need despite social prejudice; Josephus is telling a historical story about the mismanagement of an army advance, its desperate retreat, and a remarkable victory of the Jewish forces over Rome. These tales have nothing in common. They don’t even happen in the same place. Yes, both stories involve people “stealing” something (the Samaritan’s money; the legions’ banners and equipment). But there are thousands of ancient stories of theft, even using the same word for thieves or theft. There is nothing linking these. This is just random. Noise, no signal.
Because of all Three Rules of Crankery, nothing Atwill describes comes anywhere near a real argument for his thesis. Like when he discusses Josephus’s account of his three friends he found being crucified and asked they be saved, but only one survived (p. 105): Atwill tries to spin this into evidence Josephus wrote the scene in Mark where Jesus is crucified with two thieves and only one (Jesus) survives (Mark 15:27-32). Rule One: Atwill never discusses any real, contemporary scholarship on the reason Mark had two men to the right and left of Jesus (such as that it’s a deliberate irony, reversing the earlier scene in Mark 10:35-40). Rule Two: Atwill conflates possibility with probability (there is no evidence the author of Mark is the same as the author of the Life of Josephus, in which this story appears, or that he derived any element from that story). Rule Three: Atwill ignores all evidence against his thesis, and cherry-picks and distorts anything else he can twist to support his account instead.
Josephus never mentions the ones “to the right and left” being the ones to die, yet this is a crucial component of Mark’s story; in the Gospels, all three men die, and the only one removed is even reported as confirmed to be dead—that he rises from the dead days later is certainly no parallel to Josephus’s story, where all three are removed, and the one who survives never died; and Josephus says all were taken down and attended by doctors, yet no such thing happens in the Gospels, not even for the one taken down. Even if there were still a parallel intended, Jesus is not being mapped to Titus in the Gospels here, contradicting Atwill’s entire thesis: the parallel, if it existed, would be of Titus to Pilate, as those are the men who heed a request to order men taken down (Titus wasn’t the one on the cross); moreover, Pilate is only asked, and only gives an order, for one to be taken down, and only after confirming he was dead, which completely annihilates any parallel with the Titus story from Josephus.
There are also no unusual verbal parallels, no parallels of messaging, and no unexpected parallels of ordering; nor do the differences between the two stories produce any apposite interpretation, as happens in real mimesis, and neither are they incidental (for actual professional criteria here see Proving History, pp. 192-204). The differences of detail are rather fundamental to each story and its purpose and message. It is true there is evidence Mark knew the Wars of Josephus, but only as a target of mimesis (not evincing common authorship), and not from Titus to Jesus (Mark has his Jesus emulate another Jesus instead: Jesus ben Ananias, who died in the siege of Jerusalem; cf. On the Historicity of Jesus, index). Their authorial style is otherwise too different to conclude they are at all likely to be the same person, so there isn’t support even for a significant prior probability here (on stylistics and Mark, see Hitler Homer Bible Christ, Ch. 16). So in the end, the stories are too different, do nothing to explain each other, and don’t track Atwill’s thesis of typing Jesus onto Titus. It is standard for stories emulating models to incorporate many differences and changes, but they are either incidental to the point of the story, or the changes are part of the point. Atwill produces no such reading. He literally doesn’t know what he is doing; the parallels he finds are random and meaningless, exactly the opposite of real literary mimesis.
Ignoring all that, Atwill cherry-picks and distorts evidence, such as by claiming a coincidence of names alone is otherwise too unlikely: two men named Joseph request of a Roman official that “someone” be taken down from a cross, and both even seem similarly nicknamed: the man from Arimathea is apo Arimathaias, which is close to Barmatthias, “son of Matthias,” and Josephus happens to be the “son of Matthias” (Life 1). But if this were intentional, Mark would say “Barmathias” or hou Matthias (as Josephus does), not apo Arimathaias. The spelling isn’t even the same (Josephus follows a tau with theta; Mark has no tau). An author colluding to create a parallel doesn’t screw it up like this. Whereas Josephus and Matthias are both common names, appearing hundreds of times in ancient sources; and Mark already has an expected reason to say apo Arimathaias: it means “from Best-disciple-town” or “Best-doctrine-town” in Greek, aptly describing the character’s behavior (in following Torah regarding the treatment of the dead), and aligning with Markan irony, two common features of mythography. Indeed, the final dying messiah in Jewish lore (at least as later documented in the Talmud, b.Sukkah 52a-b) was expected to be the son of Joseph, which would give us another Markan irony: he has a non-relative fulfill the role expected of a father, just as he switched which Simon would carry his cross, and which men would sit at his right and left in his day of glory. So the coincidence of similar names simply isn’t “too much of a coincidence” to believe. It’s as commonplace a coincidence as any.
This is the problem with arguing from a multiple comparisons fallacy, as all tea-leaf-reading cranks do: the parallel is allowed to fail in so many ways that it would be impossible not to find a story somewhere that would match, if you get to pick just any parallels that do match to count, no matter how incidental or how much of a stretch or how little they actually track your thesis. As long as you allowed that many failures to still count, a coincidence such as Atwill finds here is essentially inevitable. Only cranks refuse to grasp this point. You won’t find this stuff in serious peer-reviewed scholarship. There, disciplined methods and criteria are used when examining potential cases of literary emulation to ensure the probability of combined coincidences is substantially lower than of interpretable—and thus intentional—meaning. Atwill will refer to the conclusions of such serious work to bolster his own; but he never uses the methods producing those conclusions. This is precisely the sort of con game peer review exists in our field to prevent it publishing. Which is why Atwill avoids it.
R.M. Price
I give more mixed reviews of Robert M. Price’s contributions to this book. Like his Chapter 12, which I point out “contains many assertions of fact that are really just unproven, and sometimes questionable, speculations.” Is the symbolic blood-drinking of the Eucharist the result of fertility-god logic? Or is it actually just a natural extension of Christian corporate-body logic, literally communion through the sharing of a common body and blood? Was Yahweh a dying-and-rising god? Or is that just a speculative idea lacking in sufficient evidence? And so on. Rarely does Price back such claims with evidence. He just asserts them; maybe on occasion he gives a few hints of possible reasons to suspect them, or cites some obscure scholarship, but nothing that counts as actual evidence—as in, facts that increase the probability of his assertions over that of alternative explanations of the same evidence.
Price often makes rather startling assertions like this—such as an elaborate description of an ancient king-humiliation ritual that he never identifies the specific cultural or historical provenance of, nor cites any sources for (p. 296). Yes, in his notes we find some obscure and sometimes worryingly old works cited that lack more recent corroboration, but none I could discern contained this material as he presents it, and though I hadn’t the means to exhaustively check to be sure, really, he needs to be doing this work for us. If you are going to make an extraordinary claim like this, you have to cite solid, recent scholarship, or summarize the evidence by which it established the claim; ideally, both. There are several instances of this across his twelfth chapter, and I have found this problematically typical of Price’s work. In my experience, some of his assertions prove out when checked; some do not. But when we aren’t even clearly told where we are supposed to look to fact-check things like this, the whole work loses utility.
This is a serious defect. Proper scholarship needs to be meticulously and carefully cited when claims are made that are remarkable or, to most in the field, novel, so readers can back-check everything and verify or critique the merits of what is claimed (or indeed even be able to build on it if it checks out), as well as ascertain that the sources and scholarship have been correctly described, and soundly make the case as claimed. Price’s twelfth chapter lacks this essential feature (contrast this with my recent series, here on this blog, analyzing typical peer reviewed history papers to illustrate just what quality argument looks like, and why). Many of Price’s claims are well-referenced. But still too many are not; and those, usually, are the most startling and thus most in need of proper citation. A good editor would have prevented this, and insisted all his claims get properly cited and referenced, and evidence properly discussed, or peer-reviewed discussions of it properly identified—or else openly admitted to be speculative. The resulting chapter would have been exceptionally useful. Instead we get something barely of any use.
Price does this again in Chapter 14, like when he proposes an elaborate theory based on so-called “Gnostic” teachings about a primordial crucifixion of Jesus (pp. 333-34): he cites no primary sources nor any modern scholarship on the narrative that he relies on, again rendering this entire section essentially useless to readers. It’s also not very logical—Paul says the crucifixion of Jesus, occurring just three days before his resurrection (1 Corinthians 15:3-4), had started the recent, not ancient, doomsday clock (Christ is “the firstfruits” of the general resurrection, proving the end was now at hand: 1 Corinthians 15:20-28) and only recently unlocked powers against Satan and his forces (Romans 5:13-14, Hebrews 9-10, Romans 8, 2 Corinthians 3, etc.); and of course Jesus cannot have been the “Seed of David” or “Root of Jesse” or “predicted to come” in Scripture when he died, if he died thousands of years before David, Jesse, and those Scriptures even existed (Galatians 3:16-29, Romans 1:1-3, 3:21-26, 15:12, 1 Corinthians 2:6-10, etc.). His chapters still sport many good arguments besides these. But by indiscriminately mixing sound arguments with bad arguments, these chapters do not come out well. (I discuss in the review a couple other chapters by Price that are better, but only because they are less ambitious.)
Oder
I actually include Danila Oder’s among the good chapters. I explain why in my review. But I also mention there are caveats. And I’d like to say more on that. “Her overall thesis,” I explain in the review, “is that the Gospel of Mark was originally composed as a play, to convey the message of the gospel (small g) rather than to relate anything anyone actually thought happened,” and she adds to this “some additional assertions about who commissioned it that are more crank than the main body of her thesis, but on which her main thesis doesn’t depend.” Her approach has the merit of making clear, usually, when she is speculating and when she is asserting a fact, so even when it goes off the reservation, even a lay reader is signaled to know that might be happening.
Oder’s thesis has been attempted before. She cites previous, indeed peer-reviewed scholarship on the possibility that Mark was composed for dramatic reading—to which we could now add Thomas Boomershine’s First-Century Gospel Storytellers and Audiences: The Gospels as Performance Literature (Cascade 2022)—but she rightly notes this is not exactly the same thing as her thesis; and on that point she does cite many real scholars who have suggested there might be a stage play behind the text, but without developing that notion further, as she does. But her actual thesis (in generalities, not particulars) was previously advanced as more than a passing suggestion by another amateur, Gary Courtney, in his self-published book Et Tu, Judas? Then Fall Jesus! (2004). Which I even cite in my peer reviewed work On the Historicity of Jesus as one of the few amateur efforts to warrant attention (Ibid. pp. 53-54), even though I am ultimately, again, not persuaded. There are two main reasons: one, Mark is not formatted like a play (and we have countless plays from the ancient world to compare it to); and the thesis that it ever had been does not explain earlier Christian writings (of Paul, Hebrews, 1 Clement, maybe even 1 Peter) or the origins of Christianity. So without more evidence than there is, this thesis can never rise beyond an unproductive “maybe.”
But on top of these same defects, Oder throws in conclusions wildly beyond any evidence to prove, like that Mark’s “play” was “performed in a Greek-style, two-level theater in Rome in 90-95 CE” (not a single one of those claims is backed by any evidence) and that it was funded by “Flavia Domitilla, niece of the emperor Domitian,” whom Domitian forced into exile for being a Jewish sympathizer (and this possibly the event leading to his assassination). But there was no actual connection between this Domitilla and Christianity (or any Romano-Jewish catacombs either, I should add). That was entirely a fabrication of mythographers centuries later. And in any event, there is no evidence of her “funding a play”; at all, much less this one. There is also no evidence that this play was performed “only in private” to select persons, and so on. In short, Oder is hugely over-stepping what any evidence can establish. Had she not done that, she would have something at least plausible to recommend: that Mark’s intent might have been related to an effort at constructing a passion play (as we know existed for similar religions, such as the cult of Romulus, who had annual passion plays performed in public). This isn’t ridiculous to suspect. It just lacks adequate evidence to confidently affirm.
Nevertheless, Oder’s chapter is an example of how to do this sort of thing correctly: she does not conceal evidence against what she says; she makes clear to the reader when she is speculating and when she has evidence for some assertion (and what that evidence is); she relies on up-to-date scholarship; and all her ridiculous claims (such as I just surveyed) aren’t essential to her thesis and thus even once we purge them we still have an argument left over worth the time considering. Even her methodology is sound, but for her disregard of the logical role of evidence in establishing a conclusion’s probability, and yet even that is self-evident to any reader and thus won’t mislead. Her failures of logic are transparent and thus assessable to anyone reading her case, unlike many other chapters in this book. For example, Oder is aware of the problem that our text of Mark is not formatted as a play; she proposes that it is a literary redaction of the original formatted play. This complicates her thesis, and reverts it back to speculation (as there is no evidence of this reformatting), but this at least indicates she knows what she is talking about.
Likewise, when Oder lists markers of an underlying theatrical basis for our text of Mark, any reader can tell those markers could be there for other reasons (and it is true that there is no evidence to prove either reason more likely, so one’s assessment has to be made on other factors). And when she openly describes her methodology—assuming Mark was based on a play, and then chucking everything in the text that doesn’t match, even the ordering of events, as later literary embellishment, and seeing if what’s left matches her assumption—any reader can tell this is circular. It essentially cannot fail to get the result she wants—it would have this result for any text that shares any features in common with playwriting, whether actually based on a play or not. This circular methodology is actually quite common among serious mainstream Jesus scholarship, too, so Oder is actually in good company here. It’s still fallacious.
Indeed in some places her mistakes could even be corrected by an expert in her favor. For example, at one point Oder says she thought it plausible the play would be performed in the private residence of a wealthy patron (and this is plausible, once you grant all her other assumptions), but rejected that conclusion for a multi-level theater because a private residence could not provide a location for an “upper room” scene (enacting the Last Supper). In actual fact it could. A wealthy patron’s villa in Rome at the time could easily have a two-story atrium more than adequate to serve. But this is just the plausibility of a speculation for which there is inadequate evidence, not a confident conclusion anyone can reach. There are too many underlying premises here that lack justification (that it was ever a play, that it was funded by a wealthy patron, and so on). Overall, this chapter is rewarding to read, but ultimately doesn’t land.
R.G. Price
The chapter by R.G. Price is another one I actually include in my review among the better chapters, even though it ultimately doesn’t persuade me. I have good things to say about it in the review. But here I just have a couple notes to add. Including the fact that in the review I too hastily said “R.G. Price rightly thinks … internal evidence indicates Mark knew only and exactly the seven letters of Paul now independently determined to be authentic,” because I should have mentioned one could challenge even this (I give examples of possible lifts from the Deutero-Pauline letters in Mark’s Use of Paul’s Epistles). Likewise I think R.G. Price gets overly speculative sometimes, especially when his thinking about the Gospel of Luke (pp. 124-25) becomes too gullible. Really, it’s as likely that Luke invented his patron Theophilus, the conveniently named “Godlover,” as a pose to frame his own missionary propaganda, than that any real Theophilus paid Luke to produce a new Gospel. Price’s reading here also overlooks known findings in the scholarship as to Luke’s apologetic aims. For instance, Luke appears to intend to gloss over conflicts in the Church to promote unity, to present Christians and even Jesus’s family as law-abiding citizens, to update the Kings narrative of Elijah-Elisha to promote more modern values, to explain and resolve growing apologetic problems (e.g. he invents the Parable of Lazarus to explain the absence better evidence for what Christians are claiming; he invents a narrative of the resurrection to “refute” Pauline opponents on the nature of the resurrection body), and so on. But I needn’t dwell on these points here. You can keep them in mind if ever you read his otherwise decently-argued chapter.
Doherty
Everyone knows I find Doherty’s work to be the best among the amateurs to date. But they might also know I think he goes too far, such that I have to trim a ton of fat to get to what he has argued that will survive peer review. A kernel in there still does (and both myself and Raphael Lataster have gotten that kernel through peer review to prove it). But that doesn’t rescue the fat that Doherty lards it with. And so I still do have criticisms of his work, including of his chapter in this volume. I mention this in my review, and give an example, but here I will add more.
As another example, Doherty argues that it’s significant that Hebrews puts ancient Scriptures into the mouth of Jesus in the present tense (p. 243); for example, in Hebrews 2:12: “He says, ‘I will declare your name to my brothers and sisters; in the assembly I will sing your praises’.” Doherty appends a footnote here, noting that this is accomplished with “the Greek present participle legon.” Though omega should have been demarcated from omicron here, i.e. legôn, the editors should have caught this, and it’s trivial. The real problem here is that Greek emphasizes aspect over tense, especially with participles. The word legôn in Greek means “saying” as an ongoing fact, in continuous aspect. Since the Scriptures still exist in the present, saying they still speak to us in the present is an ordinary form of expression; it does not imply present action. Simply anyone who wrote something in an ancient book could be described as “saying” things in the present; you’ll notice this is a common idiom even in English (e.g. “As the Psalmist says, ‘I will declare your name to my people’.”). So no conclusion can be drawn from this that the author is still around, as Doherty implies. This is another example of how being an amateur hurts your ability to correctly frame and discuss the evidence, and lay readers won’t know this.
Of course Doherty is still correct in his conclusion—clearly Christians got many “sayings of Jesus” by simply reading the Scriptures and believing those were words he spoke to the Prophets during his archangelic pre-existence, and that Jesus is still around to endorse these statements today (see The Original Scriptural Concept of ‘The Lord’ Jesus); and more importantly, Christians seemed at this point in history (when Hebrews was written) to have no idea that Jesus said anything in any other way, than either by post-mortem revelation or pre-mortem whispers to ancient prophets, which still calls into question his ever having had an earthly ministry exactly as Doherty argues—but that conclusion derives from the context, not the grammar; which is a point Doherty still also illustrates quite well.
The same holds for Doherty’s discourse on Hebrews 10:5-10 (pp. 244-45): the Psalms were already by this point widely regarded as prophesies of future events, so there is no grammatical distinction between saying this “is” what Jesus said when he fulfilled the prophecy, and saying this is what the prophet predicted Jesus “would” say when he fulfilled the prophecy. We therefore can’t discern anything about this from the grammar as Doherty argues; we can only get an understanding of what is meant from the context—as Doherty also argues. So in each case, in Doherty’s treatment of Hebrews 2 and Hebrews 10, we have a slight error, and one expected of an amateur, but it doesn’t affect his actual point once corrected. Which is a good example of the kind of error that would likely have been corrected before publication by peer review, which illustrates another reason to value rather than avoid proper peer review.
That stands in distinction to arguments that might merely be wrong but that are well-enough presented. For example, one can judge for themselves the merits of Doherty’s argument that the book of Hebrews’ silence on the Eucharist signifies ignorance of it (pp. 250-53), because everything there is to say on the matter is here presented, and one can check the verses referenced. There is nothing peer review would have to correct here, since it is not the job of peer reviewers to reject conclusions they do not share, but to ensure those conclusions are reached by a competent procedure (such as proper citations and the address of counter-arguments). I myself don’t see what Doherty sees here, but that’s okay. We don’t have to agree with his every point. But we do have to have responses to his every point, which then is the value of reading a chapter like this. Whether Hebrews “would” have mentioned the Eucharist had its authors known of it is something even lay readers can judge for themselves; as also the consequences either way.
For example, even after rejecting this one argument, I still don’t think any argument for historicity results; even if Doherty is wrong about what the text of Hebrews would or would not have said, there still is no clear reference to a Last Supper as an earthly event in Hebrews. So my disagreement on this point still does not affect his overall point, and any capable reader can come to that same conclusion. I don’t think the Eucharist is at all relevant to the points being made in Hebrews (whether in its chapter 9 or elsewhere). And Hebrews is not an introductory treatise for new converts but an appeal to well-worn Christians. It therefore has no need of detailing anything about the Eucharist; its audience will already have been practicing it for decades, and thus will readily understand key terms (like “the body” and “the blood” of Christ) and pertinent background teachings (like what the Eucharist ritual’s function and relationship to the Melchizedek priesthood were), so they could easily see the Eucharist already implied in passages discussing their role; so there is no rhetorical reason to repeat them here.
And we should expect something like this, as it’s very unlikely the author of Hebrews had never heard of Paul’s foundational revelation of the Eucharist (1 Corinthians 11:23-25; hence itself a vision, and not the memory of any actual historical event). Hence I think Hebrews 10:19-29 is talking about the Eucharist ritual—at the abstract level, in terms of its spiritual effects on those partaking of it, which is the only important point to the author(s) of Hebrews, with allusions its readers will readily understand. Exactly as it does the ritual of baptism (Hebrews 10:22); and surely we can’t imagine the author of Hebrews had never heard of the Christian baptism ritual, simply because it is never “directly” mentioned.
So I don’t think as much can be made of Hebrews’ silence on this point as Doherty contends. But he still makes the best argument one can for his position; and it deserves a serious response. And you’ll notice my response is no more secure than his. We neither of us have a smoking gun establishing our case, and yet we both have a stronger point to make here than historicists can muster. Because at the end of the day, there is still no mention here of a historical event in the life of Jesus (Baptism or Eucharist). All the same can be said of Doherty’s attempt to argue that the author of Hebrews never tries to reconcile his earthly-celestial argument to Jesus’s death in the earthly realm (whether actually on Earth or above it: pp. 256-60), and “therefore” the author had no idea of such a thing. I disagree—Hebrews 13 specifically advances this very apologetic (cf. 13:11-14), trying to fit the one idea into the other with a typical exercise in excuse-making, complete with rhetorical pivot. Critics still need to contend with Doherty’s argument. And in the end, they still don’t end up with anything definitely historical (Hebrews never actually says Jesus was killed on Earth). Much of what Doherty argues, here and elsewhere, operates like this.
Conclusion
I have mostly focused today on some (not even all) of the bad chapters of this anthology, expanding on what I already said about them in the review. But I have good things to say about other chapters. And in every case, more is said there than here. To have a real sense of my take on the book as a whole and its every chapter, you’ll still have to read my review. But this article can help expand on what I brief there, to see the force of my points. I also have more to say about the one astrotheological chapter of this book, by Bill Darlison, but it’s enough to warrant a blog post of its own, so that will be my next article this month (that will go live tomorrow as Please No More Astrotheology).
Oder responds to the above section, “Oder”:
Dr. Carrier mentions a work by Gary Courtney, Et Tu, Judas? Then Fall, Jesus! as a precedent for my theory that the entire GMark was performed. My theory “has been attempted before.” Carrier says “her actual thesis (in generalities, not particulars) was previously advanced as more than a passing suggestion by another amateur, Gary Courtney, in his self-published book Et Tu, Judas? Then Fall Jesus! (2004).” Would Dr. Carrier be so kind as to provide the citation from On the Historicity of Jesus? Because I am not at all convinced that Courtney’s work is valuable, based on reading the available portion of the book on Google Books (https://books.google.com.pa/books?id=NQK9-N7GW2QC&printsec=frontcover&hl=es#v=onepage&q&f=false). There, it appears that Courtney never proposes that the entire GMark was dramatically performed.
Again, based on that reading, it seems to me that Courtney does not add anything to his source, “The Gospel Mystery Play” Pagan Christs by J. M. Robertson https://www.sacred-texts.com/bib/cv/pch/pch42.htm#page_201 and does not deserve to be part of any serious discussion of the origin of the Gospel story. Courtney’s book is a personal essay, not a history. He does not address caveats and alternative explanations for his theory. He thinks the Gospel story was originally a “Caesar tragedy.” He does not even use footnotes/endnotes. I have never run across any citations of his work in regard to theatricality in GMark. I am surprised Carrier referenced Courtney.
Even had I known about it, I would not have cited Et Tu in my book, The Two Gospels of Mark: Performance and Text, or in my chapter in Varieties.
Second, I would like to note that my chapter in Varieties is, as Carrier says, an “elevator speech.” I chose to present a few endnoted insights, but because of space constraints left others as only assertions, such as my proposed patronage of Mark’s play and congregation by Flavia Domitilla, niece of Titus and Domitian. I give my best argument for these assertions in the book, or in some cases, in follow-up posts in my blog, http://www.thetwogospelsofmark.com (see http://www.thetwogospelsofmark.com/category/flavia-and-clemens/ ). Carrier is unfairly holding the chapter to the same standards of evidence as the full book. For example, Carrier says my theory is that “Mark’s ‘play’ was ‘performed in a Greek-style, two-level theater in Rome in 90-95 CE’ (not a single one of those claims is backed by any evidence).” There were two-level Greek-style theaters in existence that could have been Mark’s model (such as the Theater of Dionysus in Athens). Scholars today name Rome as one of the prime candidates for the origin of GMark. The statement that the theater was “Greek-style” (rather than Roman-style) is supported by my analysis of the movements of the actors around the theater during the performance. The dates 90-95 CE are based on the dates in the biography of Flavia Domitilla and her husband.
My claims are not ridiculous. Carrier is demanding an inappropriate standard of evidence for a summary chapter. In my book, I present a detailed, inductive scenario for how GMark could have come into being. I intended the chapter to intrigue the reader. The chapter is an introduction, not a substitute for the entire book.
Carrier says that I throw out what doesn’t suit my argument, and therefore my logic is circular. I am aware of the potential for this criticism, and addressed it in the book. I begin with the assumption that if a play was performed, the playwright was skilled. Therefore he knew the rules of dramatic writing. When in the book I flag material as not original, I mainly use two criteria that presume knowledge of the rules of dramatic writing. (I also flag pious additions.) My criteria are not arbitrary. I think there is a discussion to be had about GMark as theater, but that is a dimension I do not address in the chapter.
Thank you. Those are all fair remarks. I have nothing to add. My original remarks stand.
Except to clarity that I did not mean the existence of such theaters wasn’t in evidence, but that Mark was performed in one. As I note, that doesn’t follow, because Oder’s contention that personal villas wouldn’t serve is, as it happens, false; but also, we have no evidence Mark was ever performed at all, full stop—that’s conjecture, not evidence. And yes, asserting these as fact without evidence is ridiculous (even more so the Domitilla connection). And we must hold everyone to higher standards than this. As for the rest of the argument, I note it can be weighed on its own merits and is worth reading. It isn’t convincing, but it isn’t ridiculous either. As I said, it warrants consideration at least.
Are you still planning to review Lataster’s “Questioning the Historicity of Jesus” at some point?
I didn’t plan to, no. It’s a peer reviewed work that doesn’t advance any new theories, it just compares methodologically three approaches to historicity (mine, Casey’s, and Ehrman’s) and gets essentially the same results I do.
If there is any content in it you would particularly like my feedback on, though, then let me know what, and why that specifically. That might generate enough material to fill a blog article.
Otherwise, I think the review series at Vridar is entirely adequate.
Very excited that my critique of the Christ Myth Theory has passed peer review and been published online. Check it out: https://secularfrontier.infidels.org/2023/01/a-critique-of-the-christ-myth-theory-my-new-article-has-been-published/
That link mentions it “will” be out, but not where or when. Which journal and issue?
It would be most helpful and appreciated if you could send me a PDF offprint. Please email it to rcarrier@infidels.org.
Hi Dr. Carrier,
Sorry, I didn’t see your message until today and didn’t get an email notification. No journal, it was published in the modern library section of Internet Infidels / Secular Web. It went through 2 rounds of review by a PhD New Testament expert who has used your Jesus From Outer Space book with his students in the past. I try to address the mythicism question from the point of view of the question of sin. It’s online here: https://infidels.org/library/modern/jesus-mythicism/
That link is what I needed. That’s not a real academic publication. But I will take a look when I find time.
So all of these people writing books claiming that the Romans created Christianity is bunk. I assume that includes, Creating Christ, by James Valliant?? I agree btw.
Have you read,The Jesus Hoax, by David Skrbina?
If so what do you think about it?
Thanks
Yes. I have found no coherent argument or relevant evidence for Valliant’s theory. And his behavior I have confirmed is definitely crank.
I haven’t read Skrbina’s book but a brief suggests to me it’s little more than historical fiction. I don’t take any mythicist work seriously anymore that can’t get peer reviewed. If they aren’t willing or able to take it seriously enough to do that for their theory, then neither am I.
Even the exceptions (e.g. Earl Doherty and David Oliver Smith) still are awash with too many errors, weak ancillary theories, or inadequately argued premises to be worth more attention than the peer reviewed studies (Carrier and Lataster).
So I can’t really recommend them. You are more likely to walk away with wrong ideas and unsupportable beliefs if you read them, leaving an army of work to “undo” all that disinformation.
I previewed this book on Amazon and read part of David F’s chapter. Does he explain how or why Aisha and her followers would fight Ali and his followers almost immediately after the death of a fictional Muhammad? He also ignores the fact that nobody in mainstream SA studies denies that Buddha was a historical figure (there are more mainstream Bible scholars who doubt Jesus’ historicity). He never quotes Richard Gombrich, whose dating the Buddha is considered the most “airtight” in the field, nor is he aware that nobody teaching Jain studies denies that Mahavira was a historical figure. The whole Sunni-Shia split literally makes no sense if Muhammad was not a historical figure. Sure, some of the hadith may not be authentic, but that’s for Muslims to decide, not for atheists like Fitzgerald. There is an entire school of Islam called the Koran-Only school which is illegal in several Islamic countries, so even if none of the hadith were authentic, it would not show that Muhammad never existed. I have to wonder if Fitzgerald ever met an Islamic scholar (Muslim or non-Muslim)……
You seem to be confused about some things.
Like, how do you know “Aisha and her followers would fight Ali and his followers almost immediately after the death of a fictional Muhammad”? The truth of such legends is precisely what is in question. Likewise the legends over the actual reasons for the Sunni split (the Hadith are notorious for their fabrications).
If you are confused about the problems vexing the question of the mere historicity of Mohammed (even before we get to the added vexations of determining what is true about Mohammed), you are in the wrong place. See my article Did Muhammad Exist? (Why That Question Is Hard to Answer).
You also are not actually up on the field of Buddha studies, either. There are indeed plenty of doubts in Buddha studies whether Buddha existed. See Dhivan Thomas Jones, “Did the Buddha Exist? Contemporary Scholarly Debate about the Historical Buddha,” A Blue Chasm (14 July 2019); David Drewes, “The Idea of the Historical Buddha,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 40 (2017): pp. 1–25; and John Kingsley, “A Bayesian Analysis of Early Śramaṇic Origin Stories,” LMU/LLS Theses and Dissertations 1256 (2022).
So I suspect you are similarly uninformed about the actual doubts voiced in other fields, like Jain studies. You seem to be confused there, too. The founder of Jainism is Rishabhanatha, a being who lived millions of years ago. Obviously never a historical person. Mahavira was a putative reformer in the 6th century BC. But documentation for him is slim and problematic. It’s hard to find any objective account (mostly only Jainist apologists weigh in on his historicity, and they obviously have a conflict of interest and not a well-established reputation for reliability). Arguments from “consensus” are meaningless if the only consensus is of devout believers and has no discernible empirical foundation. So it seems you have more work to do here, too.
Written history did not exist in ancient Bharat and up until the 1960s it was not uncommon for stories about religious leaders to be only passed along orally. Using WESTERN standards of history is inappropriate here, since we are dealing with what was primarily (and still is to some extent) an ORAL culture. So I am not confused here. I also don’t see how anyone can imagine that Siddhartha is mythical when he died from eating stale pork, not exactly an ending you want for a perfectly enlightened being. Do any of the sources you mentioned tackle Gombrich’s dating of the Buddha? Mahavir is universally recognized among Jain scholars, including those who teach in the United States, as being a historical figure, and the dating of Rishabhadev does not mean that he did not exist, only that he would have existed more recently than the traditional Jain dating. Robert the Bruce is said to have been a massive giant, but that myth does not vitiate his historicity.
No Hindu critic of Buddhism or Jainism has ever charged that either Rishbhadev, Mahavir, or Buddha never existed historically. That includes contemporary critics as well as more modern critics. Srila Prabhupada was a fierce critic of Buddhist thought, and he never argued that Buddha never existed, just that he was a false avatara. The only people, for centuries, to deny that Buddha existed were Christian missionaries. Indeed, Christian missionaries and Jesus mythicists are the only ones I can think of who deny the historicity of Buddha.
That isn’t valid reasoning. As all real historians will explain to you, not having sources does not magically increase the probability of transmitted stories being true. To the contrary, it reduces it. So it serves no use to point out that there was no writing. That is actually one of the reasons we can doubt what is reported from such eras. If you want to bolster a story’s probability of being true, you need evidence that does that. The mere existence of the story is not enough.
But the more pertinent point is that you claimed no scholars doubt these guys, and you were wrong. You don’t even know what’s in these studies, even now, after I linked you to them. You therefore did not know what you were talking about and still don’t. You did not check the state of any pertinent field or its evidence. You simply presumed from the armchair that you were right. You weren’t. That means you are not even methodologically fit to weigh in here. You need to fix your epistemology first.
You reveal this again here by just making assertions about “Jain scholars” but unlike me, you have not cited a single example of a “Jain scholar” who is not in fact just a Jain believer and thus an apologist and not an objective historian (much less an objective historian publishing evidence of historicity under peer review, rather than merely asserting it without evidence). As we see with Buddha and the others, objective historians have reasonable doubts, which would apply even more to Mahavir (since even less evidence exists for him than for Buddha). So you do not even have a grasp of correct methodology when deciding a question like this.
That first source (on Buddha) is from a blog and from a quick glance, the author is totally ignorant of what oral history is. I see that it was written a few years ago and so his view may have changed. The author seriously thinks material evidence of a SADHU in ancient Bharat is possible, given that ascetics were, and are, typically cremated. With Jesus and Muhammad, we can at least look for their tombs (Muhammad’s tomb is believed to be housed in masjid al-nabi in Madina). Ancient Bharat was almost exclusively an oral culture, with writing only sparsely used, and then only by royalty. I only took a quick glance at this, so I may be straw manning him, but I did not see any serious engagement with the reliability (or lack thereof) of oral traditions.
Okay. Now I know you are just a fraudulent reasoner.
The blog article is a popular summary of peer-reviewed scholarship. You have elided that fact and falsely characterized it as just a blog. The historians are the experts they cite; the author is a journalist citing the expert literature. That you chose to misrepresent this tells me you are not a serious thinker but a disingenuous one.
This is all the more proved by your absolutely ridiculous recourse now to citing their tombs! All my readers are ROTFL right now. I think I can safely assume you did not check any of the archaeological literature so as to know those tombs are late fakes with no evidence of authenticity. Any more than the various tombs proposed for Jesus (indeed, even less evidence than that).
So wait, those tombs are not authentic, so why haven’t you messaged the King of Saudi Arabia this, so that Wahhabis and more heterodox Muslims can stop killing each other over what is and is not the right way to honor Muhammad’s tomb? Also, if Muhammad never existed, then did Aisha and Ali? Who fought in the Battle of the Camel, then? Why would 1,400 years worth of Islamic scholars insist that Aisha married an imaginary man and why would Shias insist that Ali was an imaginary person’s son in law? None of this makes any sense. I can understand denying that Jesus existed, or even Buddha, but MUHAMMAD? If Muhammad never existed, we might as well throw out virtually any non Greek or Roman from before British colonialism. The question of whether Muhammad existed is not hard at all to answer, it was already solved 1,400 years ago.
Further, if Muhammad never existed, shouldn’t it be a bigger priority to tell Muslims this than it would be to tell Christians that Jesus never existed? Christendom no longer exists but Islam is the state religion in multiple countries. Why are there countless books on Amazon dedicated to disproving Jesus’ historicity, but only one saying that about Muhammad (assuming for the sake of argument that he is a myth)?
Further, if Buddha never existed, then how did Jains, Hindus, and the Bonpa tradition co-opt his story so quickly? It wasn’t until the fourth Christian century that Jews made up Talmudic stories about Jesus being a bastard son of a Roman soldier and even this did not spread far. It was not until Islam that another religion fully co-opted his legacy. With Buddhism, the co-opting took place almost immediately, with Jains calling him a false teaching and Hindus calling him Vishnu.
Further, why didn’t the Hindu opponents of Buddhism bother to point any of this out back in the BCE or during the time of Shankaracharya, or any time during the Mughal period or the British Raj? I cannot think of a single Desi author, including Marxists, who has ever written a book, either in Hindi, Tamil, or English, denying the historicity of Buddha. Indeed, the first book to even suspect Buddha being a non-historical figure, not written by a Christian missionary, was the Englishman (and arguably the least qualified person to write a history on philosophy) Bertrand Russell (who ignored literally all of Eastern thought in his History of Philosophy and seems to have had nothing but contempt for the Orient in general).
We shouldn’t think that X historical figure is mythological until proven otherwise. We should think that X figure, who has been seen as such until a few decades ago, is historical until proven otherwise.
I can’t take you seriously at this point.
If you are actually appealing to government propagandists and uninformed randos to defend the authenticity of any religious mythology, you have no credible methodology here to engage with.
As for any of your questions that might have any remote possibility of being sincere, you’ve been referred to the relevant literature answering them.
Wait, who is the government propagandist that I’m using as a source? ALL scholars believe that the Battle of the Camel took place. That battle took place because Muslims disagreed as to who was the real caliph. It makes no sense for such a battle to occur if Muhammad never existed. Sure, one can say that the Shias are right that X hadith is inauthentic or one can agree with the heterodox Muslims who say that only the Koran should be followed, but all Muslims, without exception, think that Muhammad was a real person.
If Muhammad is not buried in Madina, then certainly the strict Wahhabis and Salafists would have a field day, since their entire mission since the 1700s has been eradicating anything remotely considered “shirk” or worship towards Muhammad, from praying at his tomb to celebrating his birthday. Muslims have gotten death threats for both of these things, and some have openly called for the destruction of the Kabaa because the current King of Saudi Arabia isn’t “correctly” following Sunnah. All of this could go away if someone had solid proof that Muhammad never existed. No book has been published in Arabic, to my knowledge, that purports to prove this. The whole schtick about Muslims hating Jews goes back to the latter being blamed for poisoning Muhammad, so a lot of antisemitism would go away if we could say, “hey guys, cool it, the Jews didn’t poison Muhammad because he never existed!”
There is more evidence for Muhammad than there is for many Viking kings and Catholic saints. I say this as someone with both the latter in my family tree. Allah didn’t make a xerox machine, but that doesn’t make all of the stories and sayings about Muhammad ahistorical.
You boasted “haven’t you messaged the King of Saudi Arabia.” That’s a sly attempt to claim he’s endorsing the tombs as historical (and I am not saying your claim is true; just that, that’s what you claimed).
Beyond that, you cited no authority at all. Just rank-and-file “people’s beliefs.”
That’s not how we arrive at the truth about things. And I suspect you know that.
The king is in fact endorsing that tomb as historical, that’s why it’s the second holiest site in Islam. Second, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia did not exist until the 20th century, so the present king could not have invented the association of the tomb in question with Muhammad. The only way to know for certain is to actually excavate and exhume the body, but in the absence of any other tradition about where Muhammad is buried, I see no reason to think his body is anywhere other than where it is currently said to be. Muslim apologists are typically easier to debate than Christian apologists, but that’s one point I would not want to debate with them. The first atheist I ever heard question Muhammad’s historicity was Hitchens, and he also questioned whether Aristotle was a historical figure!
As I mentioned, the sheer division within the ummah immediately after Muhammad’s death should be enough to establish that he was a historical figure. Paul and Peter didn’t assemble armies for battle after Jesus died. One would basically have to wipe Aisha from the historical record too, since her only importance in history was her connection to Muhammad. Likewise with Abu Bakr, Ali, et al. Muhammad would have been the only person out of those six people to have been able to compose (at least most of) the Qur’an, having incorporated Eastern Christian stories about Jesus and Greek embryology into it. There is no Sunni or Shia tradition of Ali tampering with the Qur’an, so he could not possibly have been the “real founder” of Islam, and I see no reason to think any of the other sahaba could have achieved such a feat, either.
I still see no credible methodology here. Just more dubious assertions you should know better than to rely on.
My last name means “ugly head” but that does not mean that I am not a real person. My understanding is that names like “theophilus” were common in the ancient world, even among pagans. Luke’s gospel is clearly urbanite rather than rural, so it fits in with the idea that a rich patron was involved. All names means something. Muhammad means something like “noble” but that does not mean he was not a historical figure, and Siddhartha means “wealth of power” but most historians think he existed (I have a hard time imagining that his disciples would invent an enlightened being who died after eating stale pork!).
We are all well aware that Theophilus was a real name and thus could be a real person.
The argument is, rather, that it is a curious juxtaposition, that the dedicatee just happens to have a weirdly convenient name here, yet we are told nothing about them, and they are the only fourth-wall person named in the text. The author does not even name themselves, nor even their written sources—they mention having written sources, and we know they are the Gospels now known under the names Mark and Matthew, but for some reason the author of Luke didn’t even know or want to mention their names, or even his own name, yet names “Theophilus,” which suggests he is naming his readers here, collectively, and not an actual person.
Conveniently-invented names was also a known practice at the time. So we have two hypotheses “a real Theophilus, just by coincidence” and “a made-up Theophilus, hence no coincidence at all.” The evidence does lean toward the latter; albeit not as decisively as your quoted commenter avers. But then we have to check what is usual for this author. And it’s “making stuff up.” So though we cannot conclusively prove it, the balance of evidence (likelihoods and priors) favors Theophilus being an invented name here.
P.S. And yes, devout believers invent weird or embarrassing things about their gods and heroes all the time. In fact there is hardly a single example of any ancient mythical person who lacks invented details of such kind. See my discussion of this problem in chapter five of Proving History and my example of Attis in chapter twelve of On the Historicity of Jesus.