Did you know we’re all pagans? That’s right. America is majority pagan. We worship Ishtar and the Onion God and have cool-ass pagan festivals featuring palm fronds and sacred orgies. Public feasts in every town distribute meat and mead, blessed by pagan priestesses in ancient regalia, to all the townsfolk, at public or patriot expense. Meteorologists offer fruit to Shango on live television to assure us they are doing everything in their power to realize good weather for our crops and games. Our first commandment from the Sky Spirit, who rules over the Moon Goddess and the Sun Lord and thus whose advice is clearly the better, is “So long as none be harmed, do as ye will.” Our children are all sure to carry their household gods with them, wrapped in finest silks, for luck and wisdom on their dangerous expeditions. We keep chests full of the deathmasks of our ancestors to forever honor them. At night, we pray for their beneficence.

Oh wait. No. Just kidding.

I must have forgotten what the word “pagan” means. Apparently it’s just a synonym for “liberal progressive” (good luck finding that in any dictionary that exists). Indeed, even Christians are pagans, if they worship at the altar of human compassion and evidence-based reasoning. Because that’s the definition functionally used by John Daniel Davidson, editor of The Federalist, in his new book Pagan America: The Decline of Christianity and the Dark Age to Come (Regnery 2024), which at one point reached number seven on Amazon’s best seller list in “History of Civilization & Culture,” and number fourteen in “Political Conservatism & Liberalism.” Really, it’s just standard alarmist bullshit from our fringe plague of ultraconservative doomsday cultists: American Christian Nationalists. But people are eating it up. I went all over this subject with Godless Engineer on his show recently (in Does America Need Christian Nationalism?). Here I provide a write-up.

A Breaking Points Exegesis

This all started for me with a brief interview of Davidson about his book on the YouTube channel Breaking Points on their show Counter Points, which features a liberal and a conservative host. The episode is called The Decline of Christianity in America. The liberal host, Ryan Grim, gives the impression of being not just a liberal but a skeptical atheist as well, although unfortunately he did not read Davidson’s book (for which he apologizes) and thus wasn’t prepared for the weird nonsense Davidson was about to spew. But even the conservative host, Emily Jashinsky, who works at The Federalist with Davidson, seemed a bit taken aback by it. I subsequently read Davidson’s book myself and can confirm that what he presents in the interview is pretty much what’s in the book. Indeed, the book is worse. If the hosts had read it, they might have been prepared: in it Davidson makes clear he believes literal demons are controlling our computers and inhabiting objects in our society to corrupt us, and to stop this we need to reassert a fascist Christian control over all aspects of society. In other words, he’s a lunatic.

I’m not kidding. Davidson thinks Satanic Temple is actually worshiping Satan. He is actually bothered by teenagers turning to witchcraft (a.k.a. religious freedom); and when he connects this fear with his oldfart loathing of social media, he ends up with a whole section panic-harvesting over the existence of WitchTok influencers (pp. 153–56; yes, that’s a thing), who are controlled by demons (p. 158). His entire chapter on AI (yes, he has an entire chapter on AI) argues that demons control our computers. Oh, and UFOs are demons, too (pp. 300–02). He believes ancient religions were run by actual demons (p. 17). He explains the God-commanded genocides in the Bible as actually a war against a literal invasion of Earth by demons (p. 48). Indeed his book talks about “demonic powers” as a concern over forty separate times. Crazy pants.

The Counterpoints interview still does a good job of at least summarizing the main thrust of his book and some of its core points. Its lynchpin premise, of course, is that “there’s really only one alternative to Christianity, and it’s not secularism, it’s paganism” (0:49), a classic false dichotomy, built to co-opt the English language to invent emotionally triggering nonsense (like “secularism” is now “paganism,” a word that is more scary to Christian ears, even though the semantic legerdemain is illegitimate—as my opening paragraph makes perfectly clear). Gradually you start to realize he means not just “alternative to Christianity” but to ultraconservative Christianity—hence “liberal” Christians are also worshiping false gods and therefore “pagans.” Davidson couples that bullshit with a true fact he deems frightening: Christianity is in decline in the U.S. and Christians are on track to be a minority in just a few decades. Uh oh. Of course, his Christianity is already a minority; thus he likes to count the “pagan” Christians when it makes him feel less scared. Otherwise he’d admit: what he means by “real” Christianity has already lost majority status, and is only desperately clinging to majority power by illicit means. His prophesied “Dark Age” is already here. And so far, I don’t see the collapse of civilization. Meanwhile, most of its troubles are being caused by his religion.

You’ll find Davidson’s full redefinition of “pagan” in his book. There, “pagan” means any belief that “truth is relative” (p. 11). Again, no dictionary on Earth says that. But also, no pagan in history has ever held that (and almost no atheists ever have or do). With that bogus maneuver, Davidson tries to expand that to therefore mean anyone is “pagan” who thinks “we are therefore free to ascribe sacred or divine status to the here and now, to things and activities, even to human beings if they’re powerful enough,” like, say, “a pharaoh or a Roman emperor.” But there is no secular deification of people in America; it’s Christians doing that (look at Donald Trump; that’s as deified as you can get). Davidson always uses words weirdly. So, what he means, really, is that a “pagan” is anyone who replaces God as any focus of their life, including just life itself. Anything that replaces God is “pagan.” Even Christians who do this are pagans. Hence, he says, he doesn’t mean “pre-Christian polytheism” (the actual thing the word means) but that paganism “will be defined, as it always was” (it never has) “by the belief that nothing is true” and “everything is permitted” (p. 15), which, of course, describes no one (much less actual pagans). Not even American atheists believe “nothing is true” or that “everything is permitted.” And America as a whole is on no trend toward any such ridiculous point of view. So Davidson’s feared paganism is like fire-breathing dragons: a fictional thing that has never existed, and is on no track ever to exist.

Davidson’s main objective with all this is that he believes “America, as we know it and understand it, is only possible with a Christian people” (1:22). Because, supposedly, “rights” and “dignity” only come from being made in the image of God (1:44), by which he means things like “freedom of speech, religion, consent of the governed,” and thus “all of the things that we associate with our American system of government and our American way of life are products of Christian civilization—they can’t exist on their own outside of that context” (1:45). So once Christianity fails to control American culture, we will “devolve into a form of post-Christian neopaganism,” since “there is no basis for” our American ideals “outside of a Christian moral cosmology.” And yes: he says “cosmology,” which is code for his literally demon-haunted world that can only be rescued by his Hebrew storm-god’s blood magic. We have to remember: Christianity Is a Conspiracy Theory. Hence he means “made in His image” literally, complete with Biblical Creation, the Cosmic Curse of the Fall, and Cosmic Blood Magic. He thinks all moral facts derive from these things as a cosmological principle.

But, as usual, Davidson literally doesn’t know what he is talking about. For example, when he complains that “general morality has to be based on something” (3:07) he literally does not know about any secular moral philosophy (I confirmed this in his book: he never even mentions anything to do with the actual history of moral philosophy anywhere in it). He thus does not know how morality is based on plenty of things that aren’t ghost-monsters or space-wizards. For readers interested in the best ontological grounding of moral facts, see my discussion and links in Justin Brierley on Moral Knowledge & the Problem of Evil; and for why these are actually more secure foundations than any theism can offer, see The Moral Bankruptcy of Divine Command Theory. I won’t repeat any of that here. What I will address here is Davidson’s bogus account of human history.

Davidson boldly claims that what “holds true across vast expanses of time and geography and cultures is that if you are not ‘part of my group’ then it’s my moral duty to take what you have or subjugate you for the benefit of me and my people” and “that’s what we see over and over again throughout history, the history of pagan peoples and cultures” (3:27). Which is wildly false. First, there is no more of that behavior in pagan than Christian cultures, and indeed there has been much less of it in most pagan cultures. And second, it has never been the case that any society has promulgated the ethic that “it’s my moral duty to take what you have or subjugate you.” All societies that did those things actually embraced moral systems stalwartly against it—just like Christian societies did. They all, Christian and pagan, simply invented excuses for ignoring their own values, or pretending their crimes were actually somehow in furtherance of them. There is no observable difference between pagan and Christian cultures here. Davidson’s account of history is a sham. But as I noted last week (in Was Daniel Dennett Wrong in Creative Ways?), creating false realities is precisely what all Christian apologetics must do. False history is a key step.

I covered all this before (even in respect to the same false claims about the origins and basis of modern values) within my discussion of Justin Brierley and the Meaning of Life. So I won’t dwell further here on that general point. You can explore that there. Here I will focus on Davidson’s more specific and particular claims.

How Exactly Is Christianity a Solution?

Any keen viewer will already be thinking of some serious counterpoints to Davidson’s claims. Ryan was no exception. He correctly points out (starting at 3:36):

We’ve been a Christian Nation for a couple hundred years. We have launched more Wars than any other nation, maybe in history, like in the 200-plus years that we’ve been a country. [Here Emily chimes in, “We’ve done some subjugating”] We’ve done some subjugating. There have been only a few years out of all of those years—even during our quote-unquote “isolationist” period while we were enacting a genocide—that we were not at war with other people and subjugating them.

Um. Yeah. That.

Hence Ryan amusingly asks, “When is this ‘Christianity’ going to kick in?” (4:16).

Davidson obviously replies by saying we should not mistake an ideal for an outcome. But he was making claims about outcome. And Ryan just explained: Christianity has the bad outcome that Davidson was claiming the absence of Christianity would have. Davidson then tries to shift his claim to mere philosophical and moral claims, not the reality, but that means we get to measure pagan and secular societies by the same standard: do they make the same or better claims; and are they as well or better grounded? We cannot judge them by the standards of what they did, if we aren’t allowed to judge Christian societies by the standards of what they did. This fundamental contradiction in Davidson’s position is typical of apologetical rigmarole: he needs the equivocation fallacy, to move the goal posts whenever needed, to create the false impression that Christianity is somehow better; when it isn’t—it’s worse (see my summary in Justin Brierley and the Folly of Christianity).

That’s why Davidson needs the false narrative that “many other moral and religious systems…claim inequality between people” (4:54) and that Christianity is “where we get human rights, the basis for human rights, and human dignity” (5:02). But of course, that’s simply not true. In outcomes, Christianity exacerbated inequalities. It is canonically against women’s rights; and it created and maintained for centuries the most brutal slave society ever realized in human history—and not only literally started a war to keep it, but when it lost, it replaced it with one of the most racist societies ever realized in human history. In values, moral opposition to slavery began with pagans, not Christians (in both the Greco-Roman world and China, facts I’ll revisit shortly); and became a motive force within Christianity only after the recovery of pagan thought in the Renaissance and the resurrection of secular philosophy in the Enlightenment. Christianity, left to its own devices, never adopted this notion for a thousand years. So Christianity clearly has no such effect; and this ideal didn’t come from Christianity. It required other causes. Now Secular Humanism provides a stronger and more enduring basis for such values; because, unlike Christianity, they are not incidental to it but fundamental. So it isn’t true that “you can’t have the culture without the cult” (5:34). You absolutely can. We have no need of cults. Rational evidence-based reasoning is a far better creator and preserver of human values.

Yet Davidson’s position is even less factual than that. “Why should I think all men are created equal,” he asks, without the Bible? (5:44). But that is not in the Bible. There is no passage anywhere that says humans are “created” equal, nor any passage that says they ought to have equal political rights. It says the opposite. It says women should have fewer rights than men, because women were not created equal; it says throughout its legal code that Gentiles should have fewer rights than Jews; it even commands slavery and genocide, and however you try to justify that, by whatever horrid logic, it always entails an abandonment of this principle of “all men are created equal” and therefore deserve to be treated equally.

To have equality before the law, this must include women, slaves, and even criminals, a concept Christianity has always opposed. This notion did not come from the Bible. It came from pagan philosophy: particularly Stoicism, and its concept of all people being created equal before God; and Epicureanism, and its concept of proper laws and mores being a social contract among negotiating equals. And it was resurrected from there by philosophers of the post-Renaissance, who tended to be pagans by Davidson’s own definition: liberal and alternative Christians (like Universalists, Unitarians, and Deists: see Matthew Stewart’s study, Nature’s God: The Heretical Origins of the American Republic), and not the ultracon Christians that Davidson is trying desperately to justify (see That Christian Nation Nonsense (Gods Bless Our Pagan Nation) and No, Tom Holland, It Wasn’t Christian Values That Saved the West).

Indeed, in his actual book, Davidson repeatedly contradicts even his own claims: almost in the same breath he praises “freedom of religion” and “freedom of speech,” and then calls for censorship and religious oppression under a Christian heel, indeed even a specific sectarian Christian heel. His book is quite explicit about this: his desired program is explicitly fascist, top to bottom. It does not sound like he actually wants to move forward toward any real enactment of the ideals he praises. He wants to destroy them. Exactly what Ryan observes Christianity has always done. So it sooner seems we need to get rid of Christianity, not empower it.

Right?

So What Exactly Is the Problem?

In Davidson’s fantasy, “Christianity, you know, brought a moral revolution to this, this pagan morality, and this pagan cosmology” (though he didn’t describe any pagan cosmology) and then it “posited a radically new way of understanding the world and our relations,” and “that had never before been seen” (6:25). But what exactly does he think hadn’t before been seen? The only concrete example suggested in the interview was slavery. But Christian America did not abolish slavery; it codified it; it even fought a war to preserve it. Can he mean democracy? That was pagan. As Thomas Paine wrote, “What Athens was in miniature, America will be in magnitude,” and when John Adams said American democracy was built on the principles of the ancients, he lists only pagans: “Plato, Aristotle, Polybius, Dionysius Halicarnassus, Cicero, and Tacitus.” Can he mean the separation of powers? Also pagan (that was what Adams meant by Polybius, who fully described and discussed that principle). Can he mean human rights? Also pagan (that was what Adams meant by Cicero, who fully described and discussed that principle). Freedom of speech? Pagan. Freedom of religion? Pagan. Dignity? Pagan. So what is he referring to? (For all these points, see, again, That Christian Nation Nonsense.)

Davidson’s thesis thus depends entirely on a false history of the world. If what “we should expect is a resurgence of this pagan mentality, the pagan ethos,” then it isn’t “one that’s based on force and coercion,” but on tolerance, equality, and freedom. Take away Christian fascism, and what we should expect is indeed a return to the pagan mentality: every human being will become more valued and more free. For example, the Bible repeatedly commands and justifies the violent suppression of free speech and religion; it never expresses a kind word for either principle. Ancient pagans lauded both, and often implemented them. The Persian-Zoroastrian Cyrus the Great codified religious toleration as law. The Chinese and Roman Empires at their heights were entirely tolerant of all religions. They suppressed only what they believed were political actions, like illegal assembly or denigrating the authority of the state; they did not outlaw any belief, or any form of peaceful worship. It was Christians who did that. Because their Bible literally told them to. Likewise, pagan statesmen like Pliny lauded emperors who granted freedom of speech, and condemned those who didn’t. It would take well over a thousand years for any Christian to come around to anything so magnanimous (and even then with no help from the Bible).

In reality, Christians did not bring to the West anything of substance that was good. For example, Christians Did Not Invent Charity and Philanthropy and No, Tom Holland, It Wasn’t Christian Values That Saved the West. These refute many wildly false claims found in Davidson’s book, such as on p. 57 that the pagan Romans had no charities. Those also link to my articles refuting yet more, such as his false claims on p. 53 about the actual status of infanticide under the Romans and Christians (see What About Orphans, Then? and Four Representative Examples of Roman Attitudes Toward Infanticide). I can add here that he falsely describes the Ashkelon Infants as victims of infanticide under a brothel on p. 54 (there is no evidence of either claim); but even if that unusual find were as claimed, we could more plausibly cite the mass murder of children at a convent, illustrating no net difference.

Christianity instead brought a ton of bad—such as severe religious intolerance and suppression of nearly every human right. Ryan points this out (7:29): “if the country is founded on these Christian ideals,” then why did it have “Christians supporting slavery, Christians supporting the ethnic cleansing of Native Americans, Christians supporting the Spanish American War and the Philippine[–American War]” and other failures. Davidson interjects that “these are departures, these were departures from Christianity…I mean, these are departures from the claims of Christianity, right?”

But Ryan comes right back at him with a killer analogy:

[What you’re saying is] sort of like “True communism has never been tried.” Well, people mock that idea. When actual Communists will say, look … [Here Emily chimes in: “When’s the communism gonna kick in?”] Yeah! The communists, like you, say, well, the Soviet Union wasn’t great, Cuba wasn’t great, but then that wasn’t real communism. But communism only had like a 200 year run. Christianity has had 2,000 years.

Davidson misses the point, completely ignores it, and changes subject to ra-ra patriotic emotivism, blurting out, “Christianity has produced the greatest civilization the world’s ever seen!” But what can he mean at this point? Technology and science? That’s not Christian (see The Myth That Science Needs Christianity). Yet if you take that away—what is even great about it? (Much less “the greatest”) Its democracy and ideas about human rights and equality? That’s not Christian either. Women’s equality? Not Christian. These ideas all originated on a basis of secular philosophy, on evidence-based reasoning; not on the Bible or any premises unique to Christianity at all.

Davidson also can’t mean the West’s abolition of slavery (as he tries to argue toward the end of minute eight). Because that is Ryan’s point: two thousand years, and Christianity never abolished that. We had to literally kill hundreds of thousands of Christians en masse to abolish it (even other nations only ended slavery after a disastrous series of slave rebellions and bloody wars, and thus did not “peacefully” just let slavery go; and still their reasons were more economic than moral). So how has Christianity “produced” anything supposedly great about modern civilization? It seems more like it has been in the way, while progress has always measured the progressive defeat of Christianity and its actual principles, not their instantiation. Unlike all iron curtain states from the Cold War, Christianity actually had thousands of years of free reign to shape society exactly how its ardent believers wanted. And that didn’t get us anything good. Good stuff only came when we started tearing all of Christianity’s work down. Women’s suffrage, abolitionism, democracy, animal rights, racial equality, sexual freedom, religious freedom, the end of heresy and witchcraft trials. Not in the Bible. Not Christian ideas. All opposed by devout Christians.

That Inconvenient “Slavery” Thing

Slavery is a big problem for Davidson’s thesis. So he tries to weasel out of that with more targeted fake history. His first tactic is a tu quoque fallacy, “pagans defended slavery too.” But even that fact he describes incorrectly, with a cherry-picked version of history that doesn’t reflect reality. He argues, for example, that “the ancient Aristotle said this” and “you know, the ancient pagans, they understood inequality means that some people are naturally slaves and some people are naturally rulers” (6:09). This is, of course, exactly what all leading Christian philosophers of slavery said, for almost two thousand years. Even the canonical Paul (both the fake and the authentic Paul, as I discussed, with cited verses, last time). It’s also not exactly what Aristotle said. And even Aristotle’s position was largely rejected by subsequent philosophers, particularly the Stoics and Epicureans (and we can suspect, the Cynics as well, who rejected, at least conceptually, all human institutions and inequalities).

You can check the Wikipedia article on “Natural Slavery” for a primer: “Stoic thought disagreed with the Aristotelian concept of natural slavery, as it was expressed in Seneca’s Letter 47 and elsewhere.” So did Epicurean thought. The Stoic position was based on a similar idea to what later Christian abolitionists would develop (that all beings were created equal by God). So Christianity didn’t invent even that; while the Stoic idea is more defensible and rational (it is built-out on evidence and reason, not vague oracular utterances). So that would be an argument to return to pagan Stoicism. Meanwhile, the Epicurean approach (example, example, example) is what most of Western society has actually adopted: arguments against slavery now are based on rational thought, given the notion that laws are merely social contracts that people invent, which entails an innate starting-point of equality among its negotiators. This view evolved into modern Rawlsian perspectivism and Game Theory.

There is no evidence that Aristotle’s primitive theory of natural slavery survived into the Roman era. The Stoic-Epicurean view appears there to have prevailed, at least among its thought leaders. And yet they weren’t the first to critique the idea of natural slavery; we see that position even before Aristotle. For example, the playwright Aristophanes put this exchange in one of his comedies:

Praxagora: I want all to have a share of everything and all property to be in common; there will no longer be either rich or poor; […] I shall begin by making land, money, everything that is private property, common to all. […]

Blepyrus: But who will till the soil?

Praxagora: The slaves

The joke only works if you agree that what Praxagora said is hypocritical (see The Methodological Application of My Theory of Humor). Which means Aristophanes (and everyone in the audience expected to laugh at this) understood that the concept of natural slavery was suspect—and that ideals of equality were known and considered lofty, and that they would entail abolishing slavery. Otherwise, no one would think this was funny. So the ancient position on slavery was more complex and ethical than Davidson thinks. It’s hard to find anything Christianity could actually have added to it.

Notably, the sole known exception proves the rule: only one Christian author ever took a truly hostile position against all slavery, Gregory of Nyssa, who originated the “image and sovereignty of God” argument, and appeals to the value of human rationality as the Stoics did, and to the injustices of non-negotiated contracts, as the Epicureans did. But Christendom ignored him. Christianity worldwide stuck to Augustine, instead, who was definitely pro-slavery. He didn’t defend natural slavery, but by his time, no pagan did either. And yet, by the time of Aquinas, natural slavery was back in (example, example, example, example; and see his Commentary on the Politics 1.4.11, §388). At this point Davidson gets a lot of the ensuing history wrong. For example, he incorrectly claims slaves had no rights under the Roman Empire; but in fact there were laws regulating what one could do with slaves (they just weren’t that expansive), and there were ethical principles as well. The net effect is that many slaves were substantially better off under the Roman regime than later Christian regimes—the American regime being the worst of all.

Cornered on this point, Davidson tries to save face by spinning inaccurate yarns about the history of Christian theological debate about slavery. He mistakenly implies this was a debate over abolition, but it wasn’t. What he is describing are debates in the late Renaissance that were only about how to treat slaves and who to enslave—not whether slavery was kosher. And those debates didn’t turn out all that well for slaves (follow the timeline in Catholic Church and Slavery and you’ll see that every step forward was soon shot down). And even what reforms resulted only impacted Catholic-controlled colonies, and thus had no significant impact in America, and weren’t even pertinent to the British Empire (for more accurate accounts, see European Christianity and Slavery and Catholic Church and Slavery).

Nevertheless, Davidson tries to spin the fact that they were having a debate at all as a worthy contribution of “Christianity” (10:49), claiming “this is a product of Christian civilization.” But it’s the other way around: that Christians had to debate the humanity of slaves indicates how far Christianity had devolved society. In antiquity that debate had long been won; Stoic and Epicurean thought prevailed over the Aristotelian. In the Roman period it would have been considered absurd to even question whether slaves were human. And many pagan thought leaders condemned their abuse. So it simply isn’t true that this was “not the kind of thing that would have been debated in a pagan society at all” (10:52). It very much was, and in terms of ideology the pagans were actually already on a better page by the time Christianity toppled all the moral progress they had made.

Ryan also thinks to challenge Davidson here by calling to mind the situation in China. That intrigued me. I had never looked into the subject of slavery in Chinese history; so I checked. Ryan could have made much more of it against Davidson’s point. Peruse Slavery in China and China’s Long Road to Abolishing Slavery and you’ll discover China had a much longer history of abolitionism than the West, and always on purely rational grounds. They had no need of Christianity or any superstitious mythology to argue the point. The Chinese always regarded slaves as people, and always regulated how they could be treated, and never developed slavery into a major institution at all. Slaves were in fact rare in China. So clearly the Bible was not needed for this; to the contrary, in the West it appears to have had exactly the opposite effect, of stalling any of this for thousands of years and even provoking wars over it.

Ancient China was functionally very similar to the Roman Empire (see Rome vs. China: What Made the Difference? and Some Ancient Chinese Philosophy on Why We Ought to Be Moral). And yet it never developed a slave society at all. Its economy in no way depended on slaves, who existed only in isolated cases and in very small numbers—and mostly punitively, the result of usury, criminality, or clan conflict (and do remember, slavery is still legal in America; and still exists illegally as well, such that America is today about where China already was two thousand years ago). You can read today an eyewitness account of how and why China finally abolished all forms of slavery in The Abolition of Slavery in the Chinese Empire, which occurred in 1910. Actual punitive slavery (productive-labor slavery) was resumed by Communist China in 1949 and has since escalated there to a vast scale. The pagan Chinese of yore would have been appalled; and not because of Jesus. So, clearly, we do not need the Bible to be against slavery. Rather, in the West, it seems we needed the Bible to maintain slavery.

The Actual Basis of Human Rights

Across the novels 2001 and 2010 you can find a subtle critique of Plato’s Republic. Plato was the first philosopher of fascism, and his Republic is the first elaborate argument for fascism as a political system of public control. The basic idea was that people will only “be good” if they are convinced of an elaborate lie, essentially some religious myth about their fate in the afterlife; and therefore a system must be set up whereby anyone who would challenge or question or change the myth must be kidnapped and coerced to stop or else simply killed. In the story of 2001, the computer Hal was secretly ordered to prevent the crew of his ship from learning about their mission; so when they started asking questions and getting close to finding out, he had to kill them. The absurdity of that is precisely shared by Plato’s vision.

This is identical to what Davidson wants: a fascist regime that will suppress anyone questioning, doubting, or challenging the fabulous “control myth” he thinks is needed to keep people in line. Just like Plato. The problem with this is that it is not only doomed (any such system will eventually be torn down in outraged rebellion) but it is self-refuting at its own core premise: the Guardians of Plato’s Republic are supposed to know the truth (that the myth is false) and “guard” it for the pragmatic, neoconservative reason of preserving a well-ordered society; but that means the Guardians have to have good reasons to maintain this supposedly righteous order other than the myth. Which means—the myth isn’t needed. You could instead just educate the public on the actual reasons to behave in prosocial ways. And instead of wasting resources watching every individual in society for ideological “deviance” and arresting or killing “deviators” (indeed even mere “questioners”) you could instead deploy those resources toward policing actual deviators—people who commit actual crimes—and not just anyone and everyone who is asking questions or coming up with new findings or ideas.

All theistic fascisms fall to the same folly. They lead to nothing but chaos: all the wars and rebellions preceding the American Revolution that educated the Founding Fathers into abolishing religious control of society—the exact opposite of what Davidson claims they did and himself wants to do (for a solid discussion of this point from a rational conservative, read Rebellion by Robert Kagan). Davidson’s own position is thus self-refuting: there is no way for him to maintain adherence to any vision he has for society, because it depends on a myth that is not grounded in any controlling evidence. His “Guardians” simply have no reason to maintain “his” interpretation of the myth. Since no one can phone God and ask him what he really thinks or wants, Christian leaders all get to just “make up” whatever that is supposed to be (for an example, see: The Entire History of the Catholic Church). Which leaves all moral values completely un-anchored to reality, and thus completely open to deviation. Which is why Christianity has for thousands of years promoted horrific evils and crimes against humanity. And this is why Christianity cannot control anything, and thus cannot produce the outcome that even Davidson wants, much less any outcome that is actually good.

The only way to ground any system of values is in empirical evidence—in observable reality. This was the fundamental insight of the American Founding Fathers, and thus why they abolished all religious basis for law and government, and insisted our principles be arrived at on evidence and reason. That is the only anchor to reality that exists. God is therefore a useless theory. Even if he exists, he has left it to us to deduce what is right from the evidence of reality, and not by trying to guess at what he’s thinking based on primitive and contradictory human scribbling—because the latter has never worked. I cover this problem in detail in The Moral Bankruptcy of Divine Command Theory. But as an example here, I shall explore the “values” that Davidson falsely claims we need a Christian myth to justify, and explain what actually justifies those values—which are exactly the same and only things by which God himself could ever justify them. Which is why we don’t need God to do that—and why we don’t need any Guardians of any myths about what God supposedly thinks, which are always just human folly, a fallible interpretation of random scribblings, and not any actual communication or clarification from God.

We’ll start with the modern concept of human rights. These derived originally from Stoic cosmology, not Christian. But when combined with the secular arguments of Epicurean social contract theory, and even Aristotelian notions of rational capability (since his theory of natural slavery had long been proved factually false, and thus no longer had any theoretical use), we get the modern notion. I demonstrated this already in Justin Brierley on Moral Knowledge & the Problem of Evil, so there is no need to retread that ground. The upshot is simple: as the UN Declaration on Human Rights itself says, all people desire “freedom, justice and peace in the world,” and yet, as a matter of empirical fact, the only way to reliably maintain those things is if we agree to universally respect certain rights. It is likewise an empirical fact that “disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind.” That is why we ought to value and preserve them. Otherwise people will be “compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression.” And that is why “human rights should be protected by the rule of law.” This will result in “social progress and better standards of life” and will best ensure “public order and the general welfare.” Which is all an empirically confirmed fact. We don’t need to interpret bizarre ancient oracles. We already have evidence and reason as the foundation and justification of human rights.

In fact, it is by abandoning that understanding that we will ever fall into an erosion of human rights. This is why Christianity has always, everywhere, been the enemy of human rights, not its promotor or securer. This is why women’s rights plummet under Christian tenure. This is why sexual rights plummet under Christian tenure. This is why slavery thrived under Christian tenure (and still does). This is why censorship and suppression of religious and intellectual freedom has been the output of every unfettered Christian regime in history. Jim Crow? Christian. Capital punishment? Christian. State torture? Christian. Christians have proven for thousands of years that they are not especially competent to run any society. Christianity must be replaced with a rational, evidence-based foundation, whereby no authority can dictate reality but reality itself.

Just War Theory

Another attempt Davidson makes is to argue that Christianity gave us “just war theory” (in minute 12). As always, this is false. See the Origins of the Just War: Military Ethics and Culture in the Ancient Near East. To the contrary, just as with slavery, slaughtering noncombatants (even to the point of literal genocide) is not only moral according to the Biblical God, it is even mandatory—and Jesus says not one jot or tittle of god’s law will be removed until the end times. Jesus is depicted as recommending pacifism not because all violence was a sin, but because fallible humans are not competent to decide when it is a sin—so the mass murder of noncombatants was God’s job. The concept of “noncombatant immunity” (that civilians should not be indiscriminately killed in war) was not even a thing until the 20th century (see Richard Arneson’s 2006 study “Just Warfare Theory and Noncombatant Immunity”, as agreed even by the National Catholic Register in Noncombatant Immunity and the Death of Innocents). Richard Hartigan’s study “Noncombatant Immunity: Reflections on Its Origins and Present Status” and the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy trace the Christian history behind it, but it does not differ substantially from the pagan history of the idea before that.

It is a popular tactic of Christian apologists to conflate different things, such as what ancient and medieval just war theory held, and the 20th century concept. The modern notion never existed before that. All prior discussions of “just war” actually justified murdering innocent civilians, and offered only pragmatic (not biblical) reasons for exempting certain people. Christianity cannot be the cause of something it failed to cause for almost two thousand years. When, instead, we look at the prior concepts, they aren’t as laudable. For example, Aquinas said the innocent should not be deliberately killed—but then said anyone who was materially “supporting” an unjust war is not innocent, which puts noncombatants back into play. Which is how the strategic carpet bombing of Japan and Germany was justified: on Aquinas’s own stated principles.

From the sources above (especially Hartigan) you’ll learn that a gradual development of actual immunities was excruciatingly slow, and based on callous rational principles, not “cosmology.” For example, later in the Middle Ages authorities eventually came to recommend exempting merchants from attack, because militaries needed to be able to buy stuff, and then later noncombatant serfs (who were functionally slaves), because they were the people being conquered and thus were regarded as property too valuable to kill. Hence they were literally classified with animals and olive trees as exempt from military destruction. And for the same reason: they were valuable property; not “they have dignity” or “rights” or anything like that. Which all, incidentally, went directly against the Bible, which often commands the destruction of all noncombatants and sometimes even animals (e.g. 1 Samuel 15:2-3 and Deuteronomy 13:15-16).

The first time that we hear of actual laws of war are the Lincoln-era Lieber Codes, which were not Christianity-inspired, but pragmatic social contracts like ‘we won’t abuse your POWs, if you don’t abuse ours’. They still made no provision of immunity for mere noncombatants, but classified most of them as enemies and thus valid targets of attack and harm. And this was the first full codification of a “just war” principle that survived mere proposal. It thus became the foundation of all subsequent international law of war. Which still took almost a hundred more years to come around to the idea of noncombatant immunity. And that arose not on any biblical principles but purely rational and humanist principles. For comparison, our modern ideas of just war had already been standard in pagan China for thousands of years. No Christianity needed.

So in reality, in the West Christianity appears to have been a drag on progress towards these ideals, not a cause of them—much less a necessary cause.

Godwin’s Law

Ryan eventually starts giving examples (in minute 12) of far more peaceful countries than America; and Davidson tries cherry picking exceptions, an entire approach that is a non sequitur, as it does not respond to Ryan’s point. Davidson even tries to cite the Comanche as violent warmongers exemplifying “pagan” morality. Which is galling. All their wars were defensive, and caused by genocidal imperialist Christian invaders, so it is a profound and disgusting insult to blame the victims here (just survey the Comanche Wars). Conflating defensive wars with wars of aggression is not going to rescue Davidson from having been refuted by Ryan. Nor is cherry-picking especially violent societies like the Aztecs. Because Ryan’s point is that there are ample examples unlike the Aztecs, of entirely peaceful pagan societies (examples, examples, examples), which refutes Davidson’s claim that pagans can’t be peaceful. Of course, as Ryan had been explaining, the eternal Christian obsession with war also disproves any claim that Christianity will make societies peaceful—at all, much less is needed to. Christianity has had the opposite effect: it has made the world everywhere far more prone to war.

Nevertheless, like Luke Skywalker denying Darth Vader is his father, Davidson can’t have this be true. So he resorts to the mother of all cherry-picking fallacies: the Nazis! He claims the Nazi era was a post-Christian society. “Nazis were absolutely pagan!” (13:30). Of course, that’s well known to be false. They were not only by-far majority Christian, their entire program against the Jews was based on Martin Luther’s. But maintaining his false reality, Davidson claims that “Nazis were honest enough, like the Marquis de Sade,” a historical Nihilist Davidson is obsessed with, even though he had literally no substantive influence on Western civilization and doesn’t even rank as a Western philosopher (you’ll find no entry for him at either the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy or the Stanford), and who doesn’t even compare with the Nazis, who never argued anything like he did. Yet Davidson falsely attributes his ideas to “the Nazis” and claims the Nazis also said “if we’re going to reject Christianity, then the Christian morality has got to go” (13:32). But no Nazi really ever said that.

All public Nazi propaganda was Christian, Hitler was Christian, most Nazis were Christian (as were almost all the Germans who elected them). And their programs and policies were Christian. Indeed, they were explicitly anti-atheist, denigrating atheism as communism, just like McCarthy-era Americans did. And one of the common arguments they leveled against Jews was that they were “really” atheists (and hence “Bolsheviks”), and were the killers or rejectors of Christ. There were some fringe few atheists and neopagans among the Nazis, but their views were so unpopular they got sidelined or had to keep their views to themselves. The dominant force among the Nazis was Positive Christianity. And most Germans were Lutheran or Catholic. Davidson can produce no source attesting that “their God was sort of the pagan Volk” as he claims (13:57).

Meanwhile, Davidson’s obsession with the Marquis de Sade is not only bizarre because of his complete irrelevance to Western society, and complete irrelevance to the Nazis, but even more so because it entails ignoring all the actual founders of Western moral philosophy living at the same time. If you want to know what the West’s moral foundations look like without gods, you really should be talking about de Sade’s contemporaries David Hume, Thomas Paine, Mary Wollstonecraft, Jeremy Bentham, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and even Immanuel Kant, whose entire mission was to ground moral facts in pure reason, without dependence on any religion, much less “Christ” or the Bible. Not a single one of these philosophers is even mentioned in Davidson’s book (Hume alone gets name-dropped, but only in a quote of someone else, and with zero discussion).

The Christian false narrative about the Nazis, already a cherry-picking fallacy but also a completely bogus historical account of them and their origins and ideas, is all Davidson has. So he really could not rebut Ryan’s argument. It simply has never been true that “the ontological claim about what people are was fundamentally different” in Christianity “than what pagans posited” (15:25). Every non-Christian society from which we have a discussion of the matter has something sufficiently comparable. The Stoics even had the exact same idea (that humans are created in the image of God and thus equals). The Epicureans came to the same conclusion on pure reason (all human beings are rational animals who must be coequal negotiators to any rational social contract). The Chinese had similar ideas. So did the Hindus. Today, modern rational morality, and features of it like the importance of human dignity, can be well grounded in scientific facts about people and the world (see The Real Basis of a Moral World and All Your Moral Theories Are the Same).

The bottom line is: God cannot help us here. Anything God is supposed to believe or say can only be true if it is defensibly true without him. God must have good reasons for any moral stance he recommends, or else we have no good reason to follow what he recommends. But if God has good reasons for what he recommends, we can be made aware of those reasons ourselves. We thus do not need God’s advice. We do not need to “guess” at what God wants or really meant. The reasons he would be right are themselves sufficient to rationally ground all moral facts. So that is all we need. Christianity is irrelevant.

Davidson’s argument is that we need the cosmology—we need a despot who tortures the baddies and pays the goodies with candy bars. But that is a childish conception of morality. The very definition of an adult is the recognition that we do not have to be coerced into behaving; we behave because it is who we want to be. Getting people there psychologically is therefore the only empirically sound goal to promote. Ancient superstitious cults are useless. And this is demonstrated in practice: Christianity has for thousands of years been a force for evil and disaster. It has utterly failed to produce the effect Davidson claims. It had its shot. It failed. Now it’s time to move on to something that actually works.

The Actual Nazi in the Room

It surprises no one that Davidson claims “neopagan” America is “bringing back” slavery—but what he complains about in his book is not any actual slavery (like modern wage slavery or actual commercial penal slavery, which he should be as against as we are). Rather, he thinks allowing other people’s freedom is an “enslavement” of…himself. It’s that same twisted, bizarre, illogical view of all conservatives now: that allowing people to be free, somehow enslaves them. Hence Davidson, like conservatives generally, reframes any restriction preventing him from suppressing the freedoms of others as suppressing his own freedom. “How dare you oppress me! I should get to oppress women, and non-Christians, and refugees, and gay and trans people, and interfere in their rights, freedoms, and dignity. Otherwise I’m a slave to a pagan regime!” That’s raving lunacy. Nonsense on stilts. Fascist ranting that has Orwell turning in his grave.

Even when Davidson has something to actually complain about, like vaccine and mask mandates during a plague (at last something that actually affects him), we still get nothing but fantasies and bullshit. And yes, he hits that tune in his book; just as you’ll learn there that he also believes in doing nothing for refugees or to stop the mass theft and murder brought by the modern Nazi regime of Vladimir Putin, or any other actually moral thing. The bullshit is the same in every case, just as with vaccine and mask mandates, where he gets everything wrong, both factually (in America no one was ever required to get vaccinated or wear a mask—they were only required to if they insisted on threatening to kill or maim other people with their presence; plenty of people could avoid that and not have to get vaccinated or wear a mask) and morally (vaccination and masking was an act of moral compassion for the welfare of the weak and elderly—a precaution to avoid killing or maiming people—which I thought was supposed to be a Christian thing). This is the true face of Davidson. He’s just another Nazi. And his chief complaint is “How dare you dislike me for being a Nazi!” We are enslaving him with our moral judgment of him. How pagan of us!

When we get to his actual political program, you’ll not be surprised to learn it is to recommend all the evils he falsely claims to be against—he wants to enslave all of society to his sectarian Christian dogmas, complete with brutal censorship and suppression of personal and religious freedom. Indeed, the question one must always ask whenever a ridiculous theory of history and current events is proposed, is “What is the pitch?” This must be in aid of selling something, right? Whether a product or a policy. So what is he selling? You’ll find hints throughout his book, but you get it spelled out in the closing chapter, where he recommends totalitarian and draconian measures to turn children’s lives into 1984, where their access to information is totally controlled and their lives regulated by force to resemble a monastery (he literally uses that word). He says Christians should isolate themselves into tightly controlled and monitored Christian communities so they can do this to their children. He also argues for absolute sexual control—the state must ensure everyone is either married or celibate.

Though Davidson is nihilistic about centralized political power, his aim is to recreate it from local Christian power, from the ground up (pp. 308–09). Hence in aid of this Neonazi program he asks Christians to flee cities, because towns are easier to swarm and control (pp. 310–12). He thus argues against even bothering to win elections at the national level, and advocates instead taking over cities and towns through electioneering there—and then physically destroying “non-Christian” institutions. He declares Christians must control, for example, what is in every public library. So much for freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, or even reason and knowledge. And he wants to tear down almost all basic public services, “ripping out, root and branch, every outgrowth of the invasive pagan state” (p. 314). So, we must suppose, no more health inspections of restaurants, for example.

All of Davidson’s bugbears amount to the standard conservative bullshit (p. 16):

The lionization of abortion, the rise of transgenderism, the normalization of euthanasia, the destruction of the family, the sexualization of children and mainstreaming of pedophilia, and the emergence of a materialist supernaturalism as a substitute for traditional religion are all happening right now as a result of Christianity’s decline.

Eventually he throws in immigration, pandemic restrictions, the Ukraine War, affirmative action, environmentalism, public welfare, any and all bureaucracy, and every other stock conservative gripe (he even denounces the liberal Christian “social gospel” promoting civil rights and public welfare in the name of Jesus: pp. 86, 95, 128–29). Which as I wrote before typifies the New Christian Apologetics: policy is now their God, the object of their faith, devotion, and worship. They just call it God so they can pretend they’re not idolators, or the new Pharisees (see Addressing the New Christian Apologetics and Dear Christian: You Might Be Worshiping the Antichrist).

Illustrating the extent of Nazi control he wants to take over society, Davidson complains that allowing gay people to have their own public parade is a product of “leftist bureaucrats” that must be opposed. He advocates a more draconian and exclusivist control of society and local government that shuts down and bans anything in public contrary to his specific Christian ideals (pp. 313–14). Freedom of speech and conscience is to be destroyed, not respected. Predictably, he is thus against “diversity, equity, and inclusion” policies (pp. 315–19). In fact almost everything he is against amounts to, essentially, racial equality and women’s and gay rights—and, of course, all non-Christian beliefs. He is repeatedly obsessed with public “drag performances,” which are mentioned over twenty times across his book. Indeed, he says Christians should take over towns and cities and ban those entirely (“not just ones that target or allow children to be present, but all drag performances”). Anything deemed “porn” is to be banned from society entirety (and he thinks almost everything is porn). Blue laws (regulating commerce on Sundays specifically) are to return. “Whatever the policy or regulation, the goal should be to ban, limit, or penalize anything opposed to traditional Christian morality” (p. 316). And any opposition to this draconian totalitarian state is to be declared “persecution,” a suppression of freedom, and shut down by force.

Meanwhile, ironically, Davidson wants us to be even more actually pagan—with more public religious festivals complete with pageantry and temples (p. 322); except, of course, he means they all must be solely in support of his ultraconservative Christian beliefs. You know, kind of like the Nazis did. Everything else is to be banned. So don’t use those palm fronds the wrong way. You’ll be arrested. We can only infer what this will mean for Muslims and Jews. I don’t think they will fare well under his regime. But any alternative sexuality is pretty much doomed. He’s disturbingly obsessed with trans people (the subject comes up over thirty times in his book, and he devotes two entire chapters to it), but even apart from that, almost everything else he is “concerned” about has something to do with sex—from abortion to displays of sexuality, sexual freedoms, including of course gay marriage, and his unhealthy obsession with “pedophilia,” which is another word he does not use according to the actual English language (letting teenagers have consensual sex with each other, for example, he classifies as pedophilia, and as promoting pedophilia). He even sees the suicide rate as having something to do with excess sexual freedom (particularly, somehow, single motherhood and pornography) and thus as a problem of sexual morality that therefore must be regulated by the state (p. 285). More on that below.

Perhaps Davidson’s second most extensive obsession indicated in the book is euthanasia. That word appears almost a hundred times in his book (the word “suicide,” over fifty times). His chapter on abortion and euthanasia calls them pagan “human sacrifices” (even though they aren’t sacrificed to or for anything external to the only existing people concerned). But, as usual, nothing he ever says about this is true. He never correctly describes any actual legalized euthanasia program or policy; and there is no looming euthanasia “problem” to be worried about. Nearly three times more people die by guns in America than by euthanasia worldwide, and yet euthanasia is strictly voluntary. Taking away an individual’s access to euthanasia is another Nazi suppression of freedom.

Davidson’s third most-discussed complaint is censorship—even though he offers no examples of any actual censorship for him to worry about (sorry, but there is no censorship evinced in “the Twitter Files”); and even though he is the one who wants to actually implement a massive program of state censorship. This delusional hypocrisy describes all ultraconservatives now—they are the only ones actually implementing state censorship, not the liberals, as I demonstrate in An Anatomy of Contemporary Right-Wing Delusions. Davidson’s delusional hypocrisy here rises to the level of hilarity when he simultaneously denounces the federal regulation of social media (that doesn’t exist) and calls for state censorship of people’s access to social media to quell its role in causing suicide (p. 285). This is a guy who can’t pick a lane.

Davidson’s persecution complex is on full display when he fails to understand why Christianity is perceived as a fascist ideology—while literally pushing it as a fascist ideology. Indeed, his book has a whole bit against Bernie Sanders (p. 282) that exposes how Davidson doesn’t understand what freedom of religion actually is and thus actually entails—and thus why bigots like Davidson are unqualified to hold office in America. They literally call for censorship, suppression, and unequal treatment for Americans of other religions. They are therefore, by their own admission, not capable of treating American citizens as free and equal before the law. Davidson complains that the Christian belief that Muslims are evil worshipers of Satan endangering America and deserving of eternal torment is simply “religious freedom” and that “no religious tests for office” should therefore permit such Christians to hold office (and thus power over Muslims).

What Davidson fails to grasp here is that that specific belief disqualifies you as an equal arbiter of citizens’ rights. You cannot figleaf this fact by simply slapping the label “religious” on it. If you cannot uphold the United States Constitution, then you should not be able to serve. And that’s that. Davidson himself proves this with his entire self-declared program of suppressing all public expressions of Muslim faith, and taking away the reigns of power from anyone who might be Muslim. Just as Davidson would never support a pagan candidate who defended human sacrifice as “freedom of religion” and thus argued his pro-murder beliefs could not disqualify him from office, Davidson ought never support a Christian candidate who defends the sacrifice of human rights and equality as “freedom of religion,” either. Merely calling bigotry “religious” does not exempt it from moral condemnation or political disqualification. “No religious tests” means mere religion cannot decide your quality; it does not mean what you believe about people and the world cannot decide your quality. If you cannot see all Americans as deserving of equal rights, you cannot honestly swear to uphold the Constitution; and if you cannot honestly swear to uphold the Constitution, you cannot serve.

That is why we all see Davidson’s Christianity as simply a figleafed fascism. Because it is.

What’s Going on with Youth Suicide?

I’ve covered this subject before (see No, Atheism Does Not Cause Suicide and A Barely Thinking Ape Hoses Cultural Anthropology). But Davidson importantly misreports ordinary suicide statistics himself, and exhibits a complete failure of critical thinking about them. For instance, on p. 143 he tries to raise alarmism over a report by Sally Curtin that “the suicide rate for those ages 10–24 increased by nearly 60 percent in the years between 2007 and 2018″ in an attempt to claim a collapse of civilization is underway. He doesn’t mention that this wasn’t true in every state. The study he cites itself says “nonsignificant increases occurred in 8 states,” ranging from Connecticut (where the rate was always low) to New Mexico (where the rate was always high); while in some states where the suicide rate did increase, like New York and New Jersey, it remained far below the national average across the whole period studied. And he doesn’t mention that this isn’t new. The suicide rate for this same age group was higher between 1975 and 1995; so the current uptic looks more like a return to a previous normal than anything actually new. More importantly, Davidson fails to ask why this is. What’s different in those eight states where this return to prior rates didn’t happen? Or those states where the rate remained low even while increasing? And what suppressed the youth suicide rate nationally between 1995 and 2010?

Davidson spins this statistic to argue for a suppression of access to social media, draconian restrictions on sexual freedom, and a monastically totalitarian control over kids’ entire daily lives. A critical thinker might have instead actually checked for what science has found is actually more likely the cause, and thus what societal changes are more likely to actually help. Surprise! It’s exactly the opposite of what Davidson proposes. In Peter Gray’s analysis “Why Did Teen Suicides Increase Sharply from 1950 to 1990?” he examines various proposed causes and finds scientific support for only one of them:

Children and teens in the mid-20th century and earlier had far more freedom to play, roam, explore, socialize, take risks, contribute meaningfully to their community, and do all the things that make young people happy and help them develop the character traits that promote resilience than they do today … Freedoms were not just suddenly taken away; they were gradually taken away. Because it occurred gradually, many people did not notice the change, or if they did, they thought of it as small because the year-to-year change was small. But over that whole 40-year period, it was huge.

So, actually, we should not be advising a catastrophic decrease in child and youth freedom. We should reject Davidson’s Nazi impulses and actually let go of our entire helicopter-parenting ethos. When Gray then looked at why there was a substantial decline in suicides between 1995 and 2012 that later returned to where it had been in the 70s, he found—again—exactly the opposite of what Davidson concluded (see Why Did Teen Suicides Decline Sharply from 1990 to 2005?): “computer technology and video games brought a renewed sense of freedom, excitement, mastery, and social connectedness to the lives of children and teens, thereby improving their mental health.” In other words, increased access to digital media. Then, after around 2005, “the power of teens as digital natives declined, as an increasing number of adults were also digital natives,” and parents began, once again, constraining what kids could do and offer. The early digital era had facilitated fundamental child needs like “autonomy,” “competence,” and “relatedness.” Not enough to get us back to pre-1975 suicide rates. But enough to get us back to mid-70s suicide rates.

When Gray looked at the most recent period (in “Multiple Causes of Increase in U.S. Teen Suicides Since 2008”) he notices an interesting datum: this didn’t happen in Europe. That means it’s not godlessness (as Europe is hella more godless than America). It’s something particular to America. Which also means it can’t be sexual freedom or access to social media. Because Europe has as much or more of that. Here Gray has less data to work with because this is a more recent period in which historical changes have been more complex and harder to quantify. But he loosely sketches out a hypothesis that is, in its general picture, probably correct: due to a near complete lack of social welfare investment in this country compared to Europe (a.k.a. socialism), American youth suffered more from the economic collapse of 2008—precisely when suicide started ticking up again.

Young people and children have endured and sustained more worry, greater poverty, worse wages, poorer job prospects, more expensive education and medical care, and all the stresses that accompany these (indeed this has become a meme now: example, example, example; and see right). Teens see this and lose hope. Young adults live it and lose hope. And we have yet to recover. Indeed the pandemic ten years later even set youth back on almost every metric—an event we could have been more prepared for, if only we invested more in the science and infrastructure needed to weather national catastrophes, a solution American Christians are allergic to. But we can see Canada. We can see Australia. We can see Japan. We can see Europe. This didn’t happen to them. So we already know the solution. It’s not Christianity. It’s socialism.

This is why Christian Nationalism is dangerous. It drives us toward catastrophically ruinous decisions that will make everything worse by recommending we do exactly all the wrong things. And this is why delusional death cultists like Davidson need to be quelled by reason and evidence, far and wide.

Wait … T.S. Eliot?

Last but not least, I have to digress on…T.S. Eliot. Um. Why? Because Davidson based his entire book’s thesis on Eliot’s 1939 essay “The Idea of a Christian Society.” Which Davidson clearly never read. Eliot’s essay is flawed on its own terms, but Eliot would be rolling in his grave if he could hear how Davidson was abusing it. Eliot originated the dumb “redefinition” of the word “pagan” that Davidson runs with, and did that for much the same reason—to build an affective fallacy (because “pagan” evokes a stronger emotional revulsion than “modern”). You can read Eliot’s tract online. But you’ll benefit from reading Nasrullah Mambrol’s Analysis of T.S. Eliot’s Idea of a Christian Society.

Nevertheless, I read Eliot. So I can vouch for Mambrol’s conclusion: although Eliot does inaugurate the same idiosyncratic definition of “pagan” to denounce all godless modernity, what Eliot argues in this tract that Davidson cites is the exact opposite of what Davidson does: “a full appreciation of what Eliot means by Christian in political and economic terms,” Mambrol concludes, is “that it should entail the social eradication of economic iniquities and inequality.” Oops. Eliot was a dirty liberal communist! A pagan! Demon possessed! Of course, he wasn’t a communist in the narrow sense Davidson would think (Eliot was against secularism). He was a Christian communist: he believed in a communism based on biblical Christian religious faith. Indeed, I think Eliot would agree with my entire critique of Davidson’s version of Christianity in Dear Christian: You Might Be Worshiping the Antichrist. Eliot was the kinda guy who’d said, “Hey, Jesus said to give all your wealth away to the poor and share all things with your neighbor…so, time to pony up, pal!”

Eliot’s definition of pagan as “the state” being the source of moral values was, of course, a false dichotomy (no atheist or humanist believes in that, but neither do they believe moral values come from gods; so Eliot’s entire argument violates the Law of Excluded Middle). And Eliot describes a lot of lofty ideals, but never offers any practical ways to realize them (much less as would follow from any evidence). But Davidson still forgot to mention what Eliot actually meant by “returning” to a Christian society: Eliot meant capitalism had to be destroyed and replaced with a religiously motivated communism. In fact, capitalism is basically what Eliot means by paganism (the placing of money before God). Eliot was also a raging environmentalist who calls for state intervention to protect land, sea, and climate (Davidson, by contrast, is a climate science denier, almost literally declaring any environmentalism demonic on pp. 132–33).

We can let Eliot speak for himself here. On page 33 of the above-linked edition, he says:

The realisation of a Christian society, must lead us inevitably to face such problems as the hypertrophy of the motive of Profit into a social ideal, the distinction between the use of natural resources and their exploitation, the use of labour and its exploitation, the advantages unfairly accruing to the trader in contrast to the primary producer, the misdirection of the financial machine, the iniquity of usury, and other features of a commercialised society which must be scrutinised on Christian principles.

Which is basically Marxism: labor must own its fruits (no capital hoarding, no middlemen skimming); usury must be curtailed; labor and natural resources must no longer be exploited; commercial society must be dialed back. From each according to his means; to each according to his need. That isn’t just Marx. That’s the Holy Bible. Hence Eliot would refrain from admitting this to be “Marxism” solely on the principle that his version will “surely” work because it will all be built on Christian faith. Eliot’s confidence in that was as dumb as Davidson’s (no society functions on any foundation but rational evidence-based reasoning). But his ideal was still exactly the opposite of Davidson’s. Which illustrates the problem I’ve been getting at: Christianity cannot solve society’s problems, not only because it has proven it can’t (by never once ever having done so), but also because these fevered ideologues can’t even agree on what Christianity’s solutions are supposed to be. One random dude, and it’s theocratic fascism. Another random dude, and its theocratic communism. Neither can actually phone God to find out. Neither realizes only evidence can decide.

Still, Eliot was more responsive to reality than Davidson. His Christian grounding was no less naive, but unlike Davidson’s dream of capitalist jackbooting, Eliot’s socialism and environmentalism were in outline correct. When Eliot goes on to rail against “the economic system” of modern society (on p. 61 of the above-linked edition), he uses the example of the profit motive destroying the arts (he wants a patronage system, not a profit-maximizing system), and then he adds:

We are being made aware that the organisation of society on the principle of private profit, as well as public destruction, is leading both to the deformation of humanity by unregulated industrialism, and to the exhaustion of natural resources, and that a good deal of our material progress is a progress for which succeeding generations may have to pay dearly [and lo, they did–ed.]. I need only mention, as an instance now very much before the public eye, the results of ‘soil erosion’—the exploitation of the earth, on a vast scale for two generations, for commercial profit: immediate benefits leading to dearth and desert [Eliot wasn’t making this up: that literally happened right before he wrote this–ed.].

I would not have it thought that I condemn a society because of its material ruin, for that would be to make its material success a sufficient test of its excellence. I mean only that a wrong attitude towards nature implies, somewhere, a wrong attitude towards God, and that the consequence is an inevitable doom.”

That dirty little commie environmentalist.

Conclusion

Davidson is trying to win a fasco-Platonic culture war (as many like him are: see Addressing the New Christian Apologetics). He’s losing. Because there are no Guardians to control the narrative and falsify history or reality to suit his delusional vision for the future. Christianity, particularly his brand of it, is toxic and hypocritical (see Dear Christian: You Might Be Worshiping the Antichrist and What’s the Harm? Why Religious Belief Is Always Bad). It is destructive of the good society, not conducive to it (see Justin Brierley and the Folly of Christianity). It needs to go away; not be put in charge.

It does need to be replaced with something. All ultracon madness must be voted out. Only the sane must rule. But then Secular Humanism will serve us perfectly well. It is what you end up with when you strip away all the toxic and hypocritical bullshit, and all the myths and lies and made-up baggage, and just have remaining what can be justified solely on evidence and reason, plain to all. You thus end up with everything supposedly good about Christianity; and none of the bad. You also end up with a lot of other good things Christianity rarely inspired and cannot ground (just see Which Worldview Produces the Better World).

So let’s do that instead. No more demonological cultists screaming for fascism. This is the ruin that Trump will bring us. So don’t fail this trolley problem. Save civilization. Get out and vote for Joe Biden—so we can at least tread water and not drown in the next four years. Then level up with someone better in 2028.

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