I’m a hardcore lefty. I still encounter people surprised by that. But I also often get asked how far is too far. Today I’ll paint that out for you. This will explain how far left I go—and why I don’t go further, and neither should anyone. At the same time, this is also an accounting of where “the left” goes wrong. Though it is not usually “the left” that goes wrong, but leftist extremists, and lefties on the edge thereon, who are a minority among liberals—and especially among Democrats, because contrary to conservative rhetoric, the DNC is actually center-left. If you want a party even more left than that, you are looking at the Green Party, and yet even they are not majority-extremist (though they are close).

For convenience, I’ll provide a table of contents:

First: Context

There is no party “for me,” as in a party that locates its base where I am politically, which would be somewhere in the overlap between the most liberal Democrats and the most sensible Greens. And this is because there is no base where I am politically. Very few Americans are where I am, and thus very few votes, and thus our voice can have no independent impact on who gets into power and thus what policies get enacted—we can only impact elections (and thus policy) by allying and co-voting with larger factions (like mainstream Democrats). Which reminds me…

Before I proceed, I have to disabuse some of my readers of their false beliefs about how democracy works, and American democracy in particular. To wit:

  • The very point of democracy is to accept being outvoted, and within the system you inherited. And even on changing that system, you can be outvoted. The only valid response to being outvoted is persuasion and advocacy, or negotiation and compromise. That is literally what democracy is. It is the only mechanism of peaceful conflict resolution. If you think a valid response to being outvoted is to compel your nation to do your will anyway, you do not actually believe in democracy.
  • Without ranked-choice-voting (which I believe all candidate voting should be; but it isn’t), or anything resembling a parliamentary legislature (which I believe we should have; but we don’t), or fair and equal representation (one-citizen-one-vote; which, owing to the way we form the Senate and Electoral College and allow gerrymandering, America does not have), the physical dynamics of our system entail an inevitable and unavoidable equilibrium-state of the actual two-party system we have.
  • This makes it literally (not just conceptually, but physically) impossible to have any substantive third party, or even to have much say in who runs for any office. We are thus always forced (and always will be forced) to vote for the least worst option. Which means every election in America is a Trolley Problem. It doesn’t have to be that way (see options above). But it is the way it is. In political science ours is called a “first past the post” system. And I am describing Duverger’s Law (after the French scientist who coined it, Maurice Duverger—hence pronounced DOO-vur-zhay).

So, I am a registered Democrat and generally always vote a straight DNC ticket, because there is no other option. The RNC is so far right now that literally every candidate it fields is a threat to democracy, human rights, and even governing. And our system ensures no one else can get elected but whom those two parties field. And I believe in reality, not fantasy—so I have no choice but to take every positive legal action to keep the RNC from power. But…

If we lived in a sensible political system (see options above), I might consider being a Green—if there was a movement of people like me to fill it and keep it grounded and more moderate than it has been in our present system, where it has defaulted as a dumping ground for voters too left or irrational to understand coalition voting. But most likely I’d join some entirely new party—because then there could actually be a party of people like me that I could join. And if I got to name it, it would be the Empirical Party, and we would be the Empiricists. Because evidence first would be our motto, and primary guiding value. After decades of study, my foundational politics are now empirical hybridism (as I explain in Revisions to Sense and Goodness without God): that means evidence-based policy (not ideology- or fantasy-based), seeking an optimal equilibrium-state of socialist capitalism (each providing checks and balances against the other).

But do not mistake this for being some kind of centrist or “Libertarian.” I agree with social Libertarianism. There should be no such thing as a vice crime, and a fair amount of human liberty is essential to the pursuit of happiness that should be facilitated rather than undermined by any political system. But the rest of Libertarianism is uneducated bollocks—most of the time its devotees literally don’t know what they are talking about (which is usually economics, and sometimes sociology, psychology, or political science, but never informed by any of those actual sciences). I have in the past called myself a moderate, but that has always been in the Aristotelian sense (“the virtues of moderation in all things,” per Sense and Goodness, p. 371, and I have since gone even further left than that), and not in the modern political sense (where it is merely a synonym for centrist; for example, the inconsequential American Moderate Party is not quite as left as I am, and barely differs from the actual DNC).

But do not mistake me for being a Marxist, either. I believe that is a largely outdated ideology the very name of which has lost all useful meaning. But I am a moderate socialist…and a moderate capitalist. Massive evidence has convinced me by now that we need both, in adequate balance, to prevent and correct for their respective excesses and failure-modes. Just as nature needs a balanced ecosystem, with diverse plants and animals and microbes and insects together (even predator and prey must be in balance—although that is a dynamic that “government” was invented to do away with). Monoculture is always bad. Hence, though Marx introduced a lot of important new insights to the discourse, I reject Marxism as a political ideology, being too out of touch with scientific reality. Yet I remain far more socialist than the most of folks in America—though not so much in Europe, Scandinavia, Canada, Australia, or Japan.

Fact is, my perseverance in adjusting my worldview in response to evidence since at least the early 90s has led to my agreement with the adage that reality strongly leans left (example, example, example, example). Conservatives are more delusional, and their beliefs are more reliant on modern mythologies. Almost (emphasis on almost) all fake news supports the conservative worldview. Which may be due to conservatives scoring higher (on average and in aggregate) on authoritarian personality: they are more prone to epistemic failure-modes like ambiguity intolerance, resistance to experience, and trust in an emotionally congruent authority. It is not that liberals can’t evince these same failure-modes; it’s that fewer do, or do less often, or to a lesser degree (or all of the above). The result is that conservative worldviews tend to accumulate false beliefs while liberal views tend to shed them.

When we look at where this process hits diminishing returns, we can see where the liberal reality bias lies: not in the center (much less anywhere to the right of it), but just to the right of maximally left. For example comparing the merely left-wing with left-wing extremists, the latter retain more false beliefs than the former, yet there are far fewer left-wing extremists than right-wing extremists—when extremism is defined with a balanced metric (i.e. counting persons with the same or greater quantity and scale of false beliefs) rather than a relative metric (like the Overton window). In other words, mere right wingers (the majority of the right) look a lot more like (or indeed even worse than) left-wing extremists (a minority of the left), such that you don’t have to look for relative right-wing extremists (fringe conservatives more extreme than the mainstream) to find a comparable scale of epistemic failure (or systemic threat, for that matter). Most conservatives are as wrong as the rare extreme liberal. Nevertheless, where the actual “reality line” falls—and liberals start to be wrong again—is what I will survey here.

But the bottom line is that there is really no position distinctively conservative that tracks reality. For example, real (as opposed to sham) fiscal conservatism is a liberal idea, not a conservative one. This is why the only administration to ever balance the United States national budget in my entire half-century life was Clinton-Gore—and why every conservative administration in my lifetime has only increased the debt and deficit. Meanwhile, the only other liberal administrations in my lifetime track to the same trend: the lowest deficits in my life were under Carter-Mondale (and that despite a struggling economy); the steepest reductions in the deficit were under Obama-Biden (and that despite inheriting an economic collapse); and even Biden-Harris started chipping away at the monstrous deficits created by Trump, and have only failed to do more because of Republicans preventing them.

In fact, Republicans are the only reason we have been increasing rather than paying down the national debt these last twenty five years. Liberals are the ones who actually believe in balanced budgets, and are the only ones capable of getting there. Republicans neither desire this nor are competent to bring it about. Instead, “fiscal conservatism” has become mere code for “cutting taxes and welfare, while deregulating the economy and funding military imperialism,” i.e. duping racists into enriching fat cats and empowering corporate predators, not “balancing the budget.” Hence actual conservative budget policy is completely divorced from reality (making everything worse); while actual liberal budget policy is empirically sound—as evinced from the Kennedy and Johnson administrations of the 1960s to now (leading to a strong economy with abundant jobs and good wages). The same happens to every policy platform. Conservatives talk “personal liberty” and “rule of law” and “equality of opportunity,” but those are all liberal positions, while what the conservatives actually mean is proposing or passing laws suppressing those things or removing state protections of them. In the same way, liberals are the only ones with an empirically sound understanding of limited government and national defense, or even how to maintain a functioning free market.

That said, I am also left-wing in all the real ways that terrify conservatives. As I wrote several years ago (and have been expanding on since):

I am a leftist.

I fully support reasonable socialism, to check and balance the excesses of an equally necessary but equally abusable capitalism. I’m left on all social values. I support taxes, and in some cases even their increase. I think big government needs checks and controls, but that it can actually accomplish a lot of things we need, and is often the best vehicle for doing so. I believe intersectional privilege exists in social systems. I believe Islamophobia and cultural appropriation actually exist as a thing (just not in every case any leftist claims they do). I think an alarming number of American police are downgrading the humanity of black people in their decisions to use force. I think illegal immigration should be treated not as an invasion but a refugee crisis. I support reasonable gun control and drug legalization and transgender rights and school lunches and welfare. I believe all sex work should be legal—and unionized! I think toxic masculinity exists and is a problem. I think prominent women really are harassed and threatened far more than men are and that that’s a problem. I’m an unrepentant feminist and a pragmatic socialist. Indeed I’m a full-on social justice warrior. I fight with words to educate people on how they can change how they think to effect a better world, by first seeing their own ignorance or prejudice, and then doing something about it—like spreading the word, the only credible path to cultural change.

Point being, I’m a card carrying lefty.

And, of course, I am a ruthless critic of the right. Besides the articles I’ll be citing below, see as well my Anatomy of Contemporary Right-Wing Delusions and Debunking John Davidson’s “Pagan” America for general examples, and my Epistemology Test: Anthony Fauci Edition and Behold Babylon USA! for more particular examples—and A Vital Primer on Media Literacy and Money Buys Happiness? Not After You Hit Six Figures for indirect examples. So I am most definitely waaaayyyy to the left of Sam Harris or Richard Dawkins. I am even to the left of Christopher Hitchens—and he was hella more left than them.

But I also critique the left when it goes too far or has bad ideas. I accept that reality is usually set in nuanced complexity; very little is black-or-white. But black-or-white fallacies will infect even liberal minds into thinking I am defending conservative positions against them, when in fact I am not; and also infect conservative minds into thinking I’m defending them, when in fact I am not. Irrationality is nonpartisan. For example, my position on abortion is actually identical to the position well-argued by the Burger court in Roe v. Wade: the government has no legitimate interest in the status of a fetus until the third trimester, when it is within its rights to outlaw abortion except in self-defense (otherwise known as medical necessity). This is in line with all first world nations, and actual (not mythological) DNC policy. And it is in line with empirical reality (before the third trimester no brain sufficient to house a person exists).

And yet some liberal extremists will chafe, and some conservatives will cheer, at my allowing bans on elective “late term” abortion, and thus both will irrationally call me a conservative, and falsely imagine that I have “undermined” or “supported” them, respectively. In fact, my position is the most widely accepted left-wing position, and not associated with majority conservative abortion policy at all. The rare few fringe liberals who actually support elective third trimester abortion are simply wrong, as a matter of both science (third trimester fetuses have brains capable of generating a person and bodies capable of sustaining them outside the womb) and values (defense of a human’s right to life begins exactly then). And they are just as wrong about that as the conservative is wrong to believe it proper to ban even necessary third trimester abortions—as if women somehow lacked the human right to self-defense (they do not).

Fact is, the “extreme left” position here is held by almost no one, whereas the extreme right position is either the most common or a very common conservative position. And liberals are correct to say this, while conservatives are incorrect to deny it (as they do, with frothingly insane rhetoric). Which remains the most salient difference between liberals and conservatives. Nevertheless, the extreme left position does exist. And sometimes an extreme left position can be shouted so loudly and persistently by its advocates that availability bias will lead people (especially conservatives, who have far more defective epistemologies) to the mistaken belief that their opinion is common or the norm. But in any event, as left-wing as I am, I reject left-wing extremism. Which leaves only the task now of defining exactly what that is.

The General Outline of Liberal Extremism

In horseshoe theory, both the “arch-conservative” and the “ultra-liberal” ends of the political spectrum overlap with “fascism.” This can be straw-manned as saying those two groups have few to no differences (which is obviously not true). But the steel-man is that those two extreme points share things in common with each other that they do not share with their compatriots on the same side of the shoe (The Crunchy-to-Alt-Right Pipeline, for example). In particular, what they share in common is fascism—and/or its emotivist epistemology strongly driven by fear or anger. The word “fascism” comes from the Roman fasces, the bundle of rods and axes carried before magistrates signifying their right to beat or behead at will. The word has since evolved to reference the corresponding belief that force is an appropriate means of enacting your political will. If you believe this (whether you admit to it or not), you are a fascist.

Hence, both the right-wing and left-wing extremist want to use force (or at least, for force to be used) to effect their will—far more and more widely, and brutally, than their peers. Many in either camp endorse correlated policies like coerced censorship, and more draconian socio-political systems of punishment, and they both want to reign-in democracy with more authoritarian mechanisms of power—provided it’s theirs. This is why the fascist government depicted in 1984 is hard to peg as either liberal or conservative—Orwell deliberately meant that to be vague. The Anti-Sex League, for example, is not associated there with Christianity or “traditional values,” but ideals closer to Soviet Marxism and ultra-radical feminism. The radical left can actually come up with all the same repressive and horrific ideas as the radical right. They just frame them differently (like “why” sex is bad, or “why” black and white people should be segregated) or to different ends (like replacing “white supremacism” with “black supremacism”). That’s the lesson of the horseshoe.

Not every left-wing extremist shares every extreme liberal belief. But, for example, you will find many right-wing and left-wing extremists dreaming of worlds where their version of an enforced Doublespeak becomes real. This does not mean that “any” social policing of language is “Doublespeak” or even fascist, however—that is a conservative “rounding error,” directly analogous to the extreme left’s insistence that “everything is racist.” Which in turn does not mean nothing is racist, or that racism does not remain a pervasive social problem—thinking I mean that is a liberal rounding error. These are the outcomes of the black-or-white fallacy. And this is why conservatives tend to be wrong far more often than liberals: black-or-white thinking is a symptom of ambiguity intolerance, which strongly correlates with conservative thought (indeed, it may be a principal cause of it), and thus fewer liberals suffer from this epistemic defect, resulting in fewer liberal extremists than conservative extremists.

So how do we answer the question, “How far left is too left?” Generally, “too far” is fascism or its epistemology. I’ll treat both separately, since not all left-wing extremists are fascists, but all embrace some fascism-adjacent epistemology. Since fascism means using force to effect your political will on someone else (rather than doing so democratically and in respect of human rights), a common example that you might find in the behavior or fantasies of conservative and liberal extremists alike is literally beating someone up for writing (or publishing or promoting) a book they don’t like. And if they can’t do that physically, they might try it emotionally (with harassment campaigns or death threats) or situationally (such as by tortious interference). Which book and why is what will differ between them. But both long to do it. And that is what extremists have in common.

Hence, extremism must be distinguished from mere error. For example, conservative policies need not be fascist; conservatives in power today just happen to be fascists. Robert Kagan is an example of a reasonable conservative. Even Barry Goldwater. These are folks we could negotiate with. But everyone like them has been literally driven out of the Republican party and thus from power in America. This has not happened to the liberals: the fascist wing of the liberal electorate has not placed even a single representative in Congress, nor won any Presidential Primary in history. And it is important to correctly grasp the significance of that material reality.

Of course, neither side will admit to being fascists—they will claim they are fighting fascists—just like Putin did. But the truth lies not in words, but in deeds, and platforms. If they are recommending force be used to effect their political will, to effect censorship and public control of behavior, they are fascists—regardless of what they “claim.” By contrast, not using force to effect these things is not fascist. Thus, for example, “censorship” in the sense of personally voting-with-your-dollars-or-feet, or through mere criticism or persuasion instead of coercion, is not fascism—nor is it even censorship. But burning or trashing bookstores, or using state or community force to arrest or fine them, or in some other way “make them pay,” lest they stop selling some book or magazine, is censorship—and thus is fascism.

But that is not the only feature shared by extremists on both sides of the political spectrum. Fascism tends to come with (and perhaps even arises out of) something more fundamental: an emotivist epistemology, whereby how one feels dictates what actually is. This in turn usually pivots on fear or anger, because those are the most strongly motivating emotions outside of close personal relations, and thus are the emotions most likely to drive mass political action. Liberal extremists are afraid of a lot of things. And they feel a lot of rage and anger and hate. Just like conservative extremists. The only thing that differs is what they are afraid of or angry at. But what they have in common that makes them not merely fallibly human but actual extremists is that they allow this to overwhelm their entire epistemology—their “way of knowing,” the method they use to decide what is true or false.

The problem here is not that “facts don’t care about your feelings” (they don’t; but conservatives are as guilty of forgetting this as liberals), or that “reason should supplant emotion” (that would be absurd: emotions are the only reason we use reason at all, since emotions set the parameters of every end-state we seek to avoid or pursue; indeed, emotions are the only reason we do anything). The problem, rather, is that emotion should not supplant reason. Reason is supposed to be a check on emotion and its particular error-modes. Feelings can be evidence of something, but you have to rationally assess what they are evidence of and how reliable (or unreliable) they may be at that (see my discussion of the proper epistemic role of emotion and intuition in Sense and Goodness without God, III.9–10, “Reason vs. Intuition” and “The Nature of Emotion”).

There is also a great deal more evidence in the world than feelings—and we cannot ignore evidence when reaching conclusions. Prioritizing emotion over reason and evidence is what leads to trap beliefs that will inoculate you against reliable information and steer you away from truly testing whether your beliefs are even true. The result is delusion—from which you can never escape. And let’s be clear. It does not matter that your delusion is “political” and lacks reference to the supernatural—it is still just another religion, as reliant as ever on faith, apologetics, and mythology (as I explain in the conclusion of my lengthy demonstration That Jordan Peterson Is a Crank).

Punching Nazis and the Heckler’s Veto

Conservatives have a sad tendency to complain about anything as “coercion” or “censorship.” Criticism? That’s censorship! A company not wanting you on their grounds or platform? That’s coercion! And other nonsense. This is one of the few things the currently fascist Supreme Court got right. Not wanting to sell or buy your stuff is not censorship or coercion. Criticism and argument are not censorship or coercion. Lying and fraud could be. But that’s not usually what they are complaining about.

A recent debate among liberals on the internet struck right at this line. Punching Nazis. Cool or not cool? Well, if you are the one initiating real violence in response to mere speech, you are the fascist in the room. So, no. Punching Nazis is not cool. It’s fascist extremism. That’s going too far. If you are punching Nazis in an actual melee with them—that you didn’t start—then, sure, we’re back to self-defense and the proper restoration of order against perpetrators of violence. But that wasn’t the scenario being debated. There were liberals actually promoting just walking up to a Nazi in the street and criminally assaulting them. I suppose I’d have more respect for this if its perpetrators then immediately turned themselves into the police and confessed and accepted the statutory sentence for their crime. Because there is no valid case that this should be legal, so trying to get away with it only makes you a criminal in every moral sense of the term.

One of the inevitable outcomes of outlawing something that should be illegal—like, say, racial or gender discrimination—is that villains will try to find loop-holey ways to “get around” the law and do what they want anyway. For example, instead of openly redlining Black people out of a neighborhood, they will do it “on the DL,” knowing it will be near impossible to even discover, much less prove in court. That doesn’t make it right—it just makes you a more insidious and reprehensible criminal. Like the character Bunny Colvin in The Wire, I have more respect for openly admitted racists (which is, obviously, still not very much). An example of this is the Heckler’s Veto, whereby rather than merely counter-protesting in some legal way, or offering a counter-event or counter-speech or other response in your own venue or on your own time, you actively, physically disrupt an event so that it cannot proceed.

That is fascist.

And if you do that, you are a fascist.

The heckler’s veto is no different than trying to undo an event by issuing a bomb threat. You are coercively violating not only the free-speech rights of the presenter, but the human rights of the audience (who have a right of assembly and a right to hear what they came to), and the constitutional rights of the funders and venue (who lose money in result and thus are materially harmed by your behavior). This doesn’t make you “awesome.” It makes you a Nazi—just another scumbag violating human rights. You are choosing to use force to cause real material harm to get your way—rather than nonviolent means that respect the rights and liberties of your fellow citizens.

“But it’s not literally violence, I’m not assaulting anyone” is the same bullshit excuse the unofficial redliner gives (“But I’m just helping all parties concerned be happier”). You are just looking for a loophole that will let you get away with wanton vigilantism, usurping the role of government to effect censorship by force, bypassing the will of the electorate, just like any other autocrat. “But I’m not the government” is then no more an excuse than you can make for a lynch mob who strings up a vagrant in the town square. Both are stealing the role delegated to the state, to effect community violence, precisely because you couldn’t get the state itself to do it for you. Using force to effect your will. That’s fascism.

The conservative extremist’s “rounding error” on this is to mistake any social criticism or disapprobation or personal choice in one’s own space or with one’s own property or means as “the same thing,” when it’s not. Censure is not censorship. Yet the liberal extremist’s “rounding error” is essentially the same: to likewise regard coercive means of effecting your will as “the same” as noncoercive means, differing only in approving this equation. But it’s the same error.

Hence the conservative Robert Kagan is right about this:

Today once-privileged groups chafe at having to adjust their language and ways of thinking to the latest assimilation of once-despised groups. No doubt many early-twentieth-century American Protestants were also annoyed at having to bite their tongues before uttering a disparaging comment about the Irish Catholics and Jews in their midst.

Yes, “wokeness” can be and has been carried to excess, and there does come a point where the legitimate desire to insist on inoffensive speech and behavior conflicts with the vital liberal values of free speech and free thought. The American academy has been badly damaged by rampant ideological intolerance and by the faculties’ assaults on liberalism itself as somehow being the cause of the nation’s ills rather than the answer. When students refuse to let a dissenting or even offensive speaker speak, they are denying free speech with bullying force. At that point, “wokeness” becomes antiliberal, too.

But most of the demand for “wokeness” today—as was true a century ago, when demanded by a different set of minorities—is the unavoidable consequence of a liberal system and its accompanying egalitarian spirit. Antiliberals may complain about wokeness, therefore, but it is the liberal system of government bequeathed by the founders that they are really objecting to. What they seek is the overthrow of the liberal foundations of American society. What they really want…is “regime change.”

Robert Kagan, Rebellion: How Antiliberalism Is Tearing America Apart–Again

Which does not mean that, for example, Twitter (which has been renamed with the symbol for an anus) should be a platform for free-speech extremism. To the contrary, for both moral and financial reasons, it should be far more regulated by its owners than even before Elon Musk destroyed it (and yet not as absurdly regulated as Facebook has long been, which obsessively deletes classical nudes and trivial jokes about Europeans). And that is not the same thing as saying it should be regulated by the government. It should not (and contrary to delusional conservatives, it never has been).

Free speech extremists can and should build (not hijack) their own platforms. And they can and should be mocked, criticized, or turned down for private funding by any moral person. But trying to actively prevent merely immoral people from funding or building merely immoral things is fascism, not progressivism. Free speech already has well-justified legal limits; and though we could improve and shore those up more, the fact remains that free speech extremism is not justified even in law—much less morality, which can censure (not censor) a great deal more than is subject to the law.

Hence, once you are destroying things or physically interfering in commerce—and not just choosing and persuading—you have become a leftist extremist. But, in turn, that being wrong does not make personal advocacy and choices “censorship.” Not buying a book you dislike, and asking other people not to buy it, are exercises of basic human rights. But trying to coerce other people into not buying it is fascism. As is any effort to physically quash their ability to buy it. We the People have chosen to delegate to the government the sole power to do this. Hence we have delegated to it—and it alone—the right to censor slander, fraud, menacing, or criminal solicitation. So, beyond that, all properly legal speech should be allowed, and answered only in kind.

  • So, what is legitimate lefty behavior? You get to exercise your own rights to freedom of speech, association, and commerce (whether by yourself or through the companies you legally own or control).
  • And what is illegitimate leftist extremism? You do not get to take actions that physically deprive others of those rights.

Heckler’s vetoes are thus fascism, a deviant use of force in violation of human rights. Which I believe should even be outlawed under the Civil Rights Act. Because taking it all the way to punching Nazis is just another “kind” of heckler’s veto, along with burning down bookstores, vandalism, and other attempts to violate human rights to effect your will by force. But that does leave pretty much all other legal protest actions. I think liberals should sometimes be smarter about how they protest (taking more effort to avoid riots or bad optics, or otherwise turning against them the very people they are supposed to be persuading). But “the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the government” or any other authority “for a redress of grievances” should always be respected—and should always be respectable. Yet it is the heckler’s veto (in all its manifestations) that is abridging that right.

Which in turn does not mean all protests are “right.” Many a protest is based on a falsehood, or in aid of a bad idea. But that doesn’t make it fascist. It simply makes it erroneous. Which gets us to…

Extremist Epistemology & Policy

The left also goes too far when it starts mounting opposition to empiricism. As I suggested already, this appears connected to its tendency toward fascism—since fascism needs a broken epistemology, and conversely, broken epistemologies can lead to fascism. I can point to examples of gone-too-far lefties who aren’t at all fascists but who’ve still failed at this metric. So it deserves a separate treatment. In some cases, we find them correlated; but in some, the epistemic failures stand on their own.

To be clear, I don’t mean here run-of-the-mill epistemic errors or failures of logic; because those are universal. Individual liberals can make fallacious arguments or screw up the evidence or ignore it just as often as individual conservatives do—as well as moderates and everyone else. What I mean here are ideologically committed failures, which stem from an epistemology shared across extremists (including the non-fascist extremists), and which are therefore paradigmatic of left-wing extremism. Though, as I already mentioned, this same broken epistemology characterizes conservative extremists as well, here I will only focus on some liberal instantiations of it.

Some of this I have discussed before, such as in How the Right and the Left Nuked Atheism Plus and Why Mythicist Milwaukee Is Right and Their Critics Wrong and The Left and Anti-Left Both Have Much Still to Learn and The Art of the Insult & The Sin of the Slur. I can include here even Katherine Cross on Tone Policing and How to Do Men’s Rights Rightly. Because left-wing extremists can “tone police” as well as anyone, and often throw the baby out with the bathwater on so-called “men’s rights” issues. And yet—don’t fall for rounding error!—l have never been an apologist for so-called “men’s rights activists,” but a ruthless critic (see my entire “men’s issues” category).

The most visceral sin here is knee-jerk emotionalism. Just like conservative extremists, who react on emotion rather than reason and decide what to believe based on feelings rather than evidence, so do liberal extremists. This becomes a platform when it is elevated into a system of epistemic principles. For example:

  • “Always believe the victim.”

This principle empowers liars and exaggerators and drama-trolls and the delusional—as well as emotionally abusive agitators, and even the merely mistaken—to get away with things that a more reasonable evidence-based (and ignorance-accommodating) set of principles would better police. This is why our Constitution, and all modern treatises on justice and human rights, emphasize the need for fair investigations and trials of fact: precisely because false accusations otherwise become frequent enough to be destructive of social justice. Imagine applying “always believe the victim” to Jim Crow accusers of black men, and you’ll recognize the epistemic—and, quite frankly, moral—problem here.

This principle becomes, in the end, just a flip-side of “never believe the victim.” Both are folly. Reasonable liberals are clear about the distinction between “taking an accusation seriously” and “never questioning or testing” it. And they accept that “not being able to know what really went down” (such as when a final analysis leaves only ambiguous or conflicting evidence) does not constitute “taking someone’s side.” That is black-or-white thinking. “Someone must be guilty.” But that violates the logical Law of Excluded Middle: sometimes, you literally don’t know who is guilty. And, of course, sometimes both are guilty. Indeed, sometimes one or both is guilty to a different degree or of a different thing than alleged.

Extremists won’t accept these distinctions, even denigrate them as empowering predators. But by refusing to admit that abusers and narcissists, and the delusional and the fallible, can also claim to be victims precisely to facilitate their abuse, narcissism, delusion, or error, the extremists are simply empowering another set of predators. This is akin to responding to Jim Crow justice by letting black people randomly lynch any white person they want, thus “balancing the scales” in the name of “social justice.” In fact that would be the abandonment of social justice. The correct response to falsely accused black men is not falsely accused white men. The correct response is to treat everyone, both sides of every dispute, with the same justice-preserving, evidence-based reasoning.

These extremists will have plenty of apologetics for their position. But none will hold up to evidence or logic. And that is what links this broken epistemic principle to an entire broken epistemology that cannot do logic or attend to evidence. “But most accusations are true.” Tell that to the “merely 4%” of people we decide to execute because of false accusations. Would you ever say, “Well, we don’t need to care about them. There aren’t very many. Most people we kill are guilty. So let’s not worry too much about who might be innocent or do anything to protect them from faulty justice.” Clearly the “number” of innocent people railroaded by false accusations makes no difference here. To the contrary, those victims are precisely why we need more empirical and reliable systems of justice to peg who is guilty and who is not.

A sensible principle is what would combat the actual problem. And the problem here is that of always disbelieving a victim, by always trying to come up with some excuse for how what they are claiming can’t be true (a common feature of rape culture, which indeed exists). The problem is not “false or erroneous accusations don’t exist.” They do. Our entire modern justice system was built on the bones and tragic memories of those ground under by that very fact. We must not forget why we have the system and principles of justice that we have. Hence the correct principle is “Never assume an accuser isn’t telling the truth,” and not “Always assume an accuser is telling the truth.” The latter simply replaces one unjust principle with another. The former restores and preserves actual justice.

  • “There are different truths.” / “I have my own truths.”

To conflate “my opinion” or “my belief” with “my truth” is to illegitimately elevate the reliability of your mere belief or opinion with an abuse of semantics. There is only one truth. And you can be wrong about what it is. And people can only differ in their access to it. For example, there are things that are true about what you feel or have experienced that may be inaccessible to me (or less accessible to me). In that sense you can have access to a truth I do not. But there is still only one truth (even when it’s yours).

Sound liberals don’t make that mistake. They still do recognize that lived experience matters, and that a “point of view,” which means how things seem—and indeed what can be observed and thus actually experienced and understood—from where another person or group sits, encompasses a considerable database of factual information regarding what is true. And it is a fundamental principle of all rational epistemologies that we ought not ignore pertinent evidence. Liberals are right about this (and I think recognizing it stems from another property strongly correlated with liberals: openness to experience). People’s experiences are evidence (even their emotions are evidence of something, as I already noted).

But liberal extremists can make the mistake of then concluding that there are “separate truths,” such that both your and my beliefs can be true even when they contradict each other (pro tip: they cannot). There is, rather, only one complex truth that we are all trying to get to the bottom of. And it might include some things that are independently true about you or me. And you might have a better view of it than me—or vice versa. But that’s as far as epistemic relativism can honestly get you.

  • Extreme Cancel Culture

I’ve already mentioned other failure modes of “emotion first” epistemologies, such as allowing emotion to trump evidence or reason, or assuming felt facts are true facts—that emotions can never be wrong about something, or that they have some special access to information beyond your ordinary fallible senses, perceptions, and cognitions. But the one that conservatives complain the most about is what we now call “cancel culture,” as if it were new. It’s not—when conservatives invented it a hundred years ago, it was called blacklisting and boycotting.

And I already covered this before. So I won’t retreat it all here.

Most of what gets pegged as “cancel culture” is just a normal, healthy exercise of individual liberty (per Kagan’s point above). But it goes wrong when it fails epistemically (e.g. something or someone is boycotted for reasons that aren’t even true—or not adequately known to be true—i.e. no epistemic diligence is done first) or morally (e.g. what is being punished is not even a sin, or the punishment is not commensurate with the sin—like “canceling” Budweiser for marketing to the trans community, or “canceling” Richard Dawkins for merely being a typical ignorant conservative; or worse, “canceling” even his books and arguments that have nothing to do with that). But cancel culture is merely wrong when it is ill targeted (epistemically or morally). It becomes extremist when it devolves into causing actual material harm without any sound investigation of fact—which need not always be in a court of law, but any inquest or journalism to the same result should rise to a comparable standard. Otherwise, you are replacing evidence and reason with emotion, and just loopholing your way back to being a fascist again.

This is actually characteristic of abusive behavior. Emotional abusers use all available levers of power (like employing “the appropriate” liberal concepts and jargon, and processes and beliefs) to turn the tables on their victims and manipulate their communities (as pointed out here, here, and here). And the concepts, jargon, processes, and beliefs of liberal extremists can be particularly vulnerable to this exploit. Which leads to the most self-destructive folly observed of the left: eating their own.

Internet communities are most prone to this inevitable self-destruction because the internet lacks affect—resulting in an audience’s assumptions, fears, paranoias, traumas, and other emotional projections coloring anything anyone says, without regard for the actual emotions or intentions that went into it. Which is exacerbated by bad actors exploiting this fact to use ambiguity to try and “get away” with bad behavior like racism or harassment, which only makes their targets more paranoid. The internet also builds only shallow alliances and friendships relative to IRL communities, and its hives are therefore easily collapsed. But even IRL all these things can happen. Any disagreement can become a banishing offense, dramas and grudges become vendettas, behaviors or positions become exaggerated, and all of these are “protected” as sacrosanct by rounding error (legitimate villainy is conflated with just anything you dislike, and thus anyone who does or says anything you dislike gets treated like a genuine villain).

This phenomenon has been described by countless liberal insiders. I link to over a dozen in Why Mythicist Milwaukee Is Right and Their Critics Wrong. So we know of what we speak. This is another example of the left going too far. Its corollary on the right is banishment and demonization. Because conservatives prefer to maintain the narrative or illusion that they are unified, they turn the targets of its divisive abuse into outsiders rather than admit to the existence of insider conflict. But it’s all the same thing.

  • Extreme Policy Outcomes

This defective epistemology in turn leads to extreme left policies that defy facts and logic.

For example, PETA is an extremist organization. Read everything in that link. Whatever you thought it’s purpose or reputation was, what its leadership has actually said and espoused exceeds the ridiculous. As a rational liberal I support animal rights in the form of humane animal farming and necessary animal testing, and I support even more stringent laws to those ends than we have; and I support private citizens working within the law to keep farmers and experimenters honest and lawful. To instead advocate for the outlawing of meat (and essential science as well as more ridiculous things PETA fights for—like outlawing even the training of animals, and humane animal labor, even beefarming) is simply going too far. That’s illogical and unempirical. They also lie a lot. For where I actually stand on all this and why, see Should Science Be Experimenting on Animals? A Debate with Paul Bali and Meat Not Bad.

The same thing happens with environmental policy: overall, mainstream liberals are right about this; but we also have extremists pushing unempirical or illogical environmental policies, and who will egregiously (and self-defeatingly) lie to further that agenda (see We Do Need to Do Something about Global Warming). And the same thing happens with nuclear policy (see The Shocking Reasons Why We Should Go Nuclear) and gun policy (see Gun Control That’s Science-Based & Constitutional). Many liberals share my cautious support of nuclear power and limited gun rights. Yet I remain very left wing on both those issues, as with animal rights. But there is clearly a too far left here, on every one of these issues.

Whether it’s the treatment of animals, the building and maintaining of nuclear power plants, regulating guns, or anything else on the usual liberal bucket list, it is rational to distrust government and individuals and corporations when they promise to “do it right” or make “safety first.” But it is not rational to oppose even those governments, people, and companies who make good on those promises. Distrust of a company or regulatory agency should be channelled into making that company or agency more accountable and reliable—just as with meat safety, agricultural safety, water safety, work safety, fair wages, and literally anything else. Yes, many regulations are really bogus mechanisms for profiteering and abuse, or are badly written or implemented. But regulations can be created and improved without becoming needlessly expensive or burdensome or serving only the privileged—they just have to be sensible, which means: logical, evidence-based, and tied to objective outcome measures. The solution to bad government is not no government, but better government (see Sic Semper Regulationes).

Which all of course relates to the extremist’s inability to understand that reality is complicated. Hamas and the current government of Israel can both be evil at the same time; Hamas is not Gaza (almost no Gazans voted for them; because most weren’t of age at the last election), and Israel is not Israelis (a great many of whom oppose their nation’s war crimes), much less “the Jews” (since worldwide Jews—surprise!—don’t control even Israel much less the world); and American financing of Israel is not so different from our financing of its Islamic neighbors Egypt and Jordan, which together receive roughly the same funding (so you won’t understand why we fund Israel until you understand why we fund Egypt and Jordan); and there is a difference between funding Israel at all, and how much we fund it—or what we ask for in return. Reality is complicated, and can rarely be reduced to simple wish-lists.

Even so, I do believe BDS is a valid policy goal (it’s how we defeated apartheid before, when the criminal was South Africa) and that the nation of Israel should be convicted of all its war crimes (which are not new, but a terrible norm: see Why I Don’t Always Trust Israel) and compelled to pay reparations for them. But I also believe Hamas is a terrorist organization and that a more lawful tactical action against them is warranted, and that Israelis should be allowed to live where they are now, with equal rights and franchise with their Palestinian and Gazan neighbors as fellow citizens. The solution to Slavery and then Jim Crow was not the exile or genocide of Southern Whites. It was bringing the people they were oppressing into equal rights and franchise (and I still think we have yet more to do even there). This puts me pretty far left. But still not with leftist extremists, who fail at nuance and complexity, and thus can’t thread the needle of reality.

And Then: Mere Incompetence

Of course not all liberal extremists are the same. Not all are fascists, not all agree with PETA, not all are obsessively against nuclear power, and so on. There isn’t a single profile for “left-wing extremist.” There are just lefties who go too far on this or that metric, and some on more metrics than others. At the same time, not all follies are the sole province of liberal extremists in the first place. Ordinary liberals have one common fault I also will criticize: crap framing; a.k.a., sucking at messaging and communication. Which is ironic because liberals gravitate more to the humanities, and thus should be better at this. This is literally what that supposedly useless degree in “English” or “Communications” is supposed to help you with. But alas. The conservatives are the masters of this. And that is a source of no end of my disappointment and frustration with my fellow lefties.

Honestly. Come on, people. You can do better than this.

Consider “defund the police,” for example; or “from the river to the sea.” How do these differ from other dogwhistle slogans like “welfare queen” or “kill the Jews”? The problem with these slogans is not what they were originally coined to represent—which were reasonable policy goals—but how they were readily coopted into something else.

Consider the “defund the police”:

  • Not having armed police doing mental health care and social services, not militarizing neighborhoods, and segregating tactical from citation or service functions, are all reasonable ideas, and are in fact closer to the norm in most countries, which actually have effective social services and safety nets, and thus (I’m sorry to say) enjoy a more moral populace in result. It’s the U.S., again, that’s irrationally weird about how it enculturates, deploys, and over-empowers its police forces, and that’s especially a problem because of how racist we are compared to most other countries (and yes, Actually, Fryer Proved Systemic Racism in American Policing).
  • But that doesn’t have to look like what “defund the police” advocates imagine. We should combine, instead, empirical lessons from more successful nations like Sweden, Japan, Germany, the Netherlands, etc. But the conversation is needed, and that was what the “defund the police” movement originally was calling for. It’s just that the slogan sounds like “disbanding” and many radical extremists even started selling it that way. Which killed the entire project. Liberals thus shot themselves in the foot with bad framing, and completely failed to accomplish any meaningful police or societal reforms.
  • Advocates would have done better with a slogan like “Reorganize the Police” which doesn’t sound like anything bad and thus compels anyone who hears it to look into what it means, rather than assuming what it means from how it sounds. But “Defund the Police” was latched onto because of its emotional resonance with liberals, who thus put emotions first and didn’t think rationally about its effectiveness at accomplishing any goal.

Likewise, consider “from the river to the sea”:

  • That was originally just a slogan for a one-state solution to Israeli apartheid. Which is, indeed, an entirely reasonable policy goal. It’s not radical. It has moral and geopolitical arguments in its favor. And it’s how the exact same situation has been solved before (such as in apartheid South Africa).
  • To understand what is needed requires being well acquainted with the sides in conflict, how they got there, what they want, and with any pertinent precedents in history. But the one-state solution has strong precedent and best coheres with empirically established principles of political science. Peace through consent of the governed has proven to work, and requires enfranchising the governed; whereas a two-state solution is unlikely to change the status quo of perpetual violent conflict. Because, so far, the only known way to end violent conflict is to convert it into peaceful (hence democratic) conflict (look at South Africa, Ireland, India, even the enfranchisement of African and Native Americans; even the British Commonwealth and African Union).
  • But the slogan was picked up by opponents, and by extremists (such as Hamas), to mean the destruction of Israel and driving or wiping out of the region’s Jewish occupants. After all, it can too easily be “read” that way by Jews, Israelis, and outsiders. It’s a terrible slogan for that very reason—bad framing that only makes the situation worse, rather than accomplishing any of the goals it was meant to. A better slogan since developed is, “Not another nickel, not another dime, no more money for Israel’s crimes.” That forces a conversation about what is actually happening and why we are funding it. And even then, the end result need not be defunding Israel, but negotiating a lawful relationship between Israel and Palestine that would restore a moral basis for funding them both.

Another example is “Black lives matter,” with which advocates could have shot reactionaries in their foot instead of their own if they simply added one word: “Black lives matter too.” Yes, that was already meant. But the issue is not that the conservative response to this slogan was valid (it wasn’t; it was specious and dumb). Rather, the issue is that it empowered conservatives to rhetorically win the argument—without having to actually win the argument. It was self-defeating. A bad idea. A smarter idea would have been to foresee this maneuver and preemptively disarm it by making what was assumed explicit—and at no cost, since adding “too” does no harm to the intended psyop.

Liberals need to think of these things if they actually want to win arguments and effect change, rather than just rile up their base to no meaningful outcome.

I did not discover this. It’s been pointed out at least since George Lakoff published Don’t Think of an Elephant!: Know Your Values and Frame the Debate–The Essential Guide for Progressives. But that bad framing is a problem should not be mistaken, in turn, for endorsing centrism. The machine-politics fear that genuinely liberal candidates can’t get elected is false—it is a classic cognitive error of risk aversion, and resembles Hollywood producers’ fallacious decision-making, where they conclude that any movie with a female lead that doesn’t do well means audiences don’t want movies with female leads, or that if everyone is doing a talking sandwich from space movie, they all need to do a talking sandwich from space movie. Or how every military keeps trying to win the last war rather the one they’re facing. Very liberal goals are all sellable to the public. You just have to get public, and argue down the oppo rhetoric. You have to win the psyop. And you do it with empiricism, humor, and the dismantling of the opposition’s lies and bad logic. You have to actually argue your case. Not just shout slogans or complain in your silos.

Which gets us to the extreme left’s final folly: an utter lack of pragmatism. Some will polemicize this in terms of “purity tests,” whereby an extreme liberal will “never” vote or work with a politician who does not entirely align with their views on literally every conceivable policy. That is profoundly irrational because it is entirely self-defeating. To accomplish any progress—even to walk across a room—requires incremental steps of advance. You therefore can only get what you want by supporting politicians who only want to step a little in that direction. Because then you can get the next one to move a little, and the next a little more. That’s how all progress is made. In short, if you can’t vote for someone you disagree with, you will never accomplish anything. If you can’t make deals, and give a little while getting a little (horse-trading, compromise, negotiating), you will never accomplish anything. It is the extreme liberals who cannot grasp this—they even seem emotionally incapable of grasping it.

For example, there are pragmatic pathways to gradual and rational gun control; yet wanting it all at once won’t get you even the first step, much less ever to the last. The same goes for the Gaza war specifically or the Palestine crisis altogether. Or anything else you want. I want universal basic income and nationalized healthcare. But I know that’s not going to happen overnight and has to happen incrementally. Moreover, I am rational enough to understand that “not voting” for someone because they “don’t support” those things is only going to undermine my ever achieving them, by selling power out to someone who wants to make things worse (like making healthcare even less accessible and more expensive, or even reducing the minimum wage). Extremists suck at Trolley Problems. They also suck at foresight. They cannot reason more than two steps ahead, such as to understand that even a liberal candidate they hate will make far less destructive appointments to the Supreme Court—which decides the fate of democracy and human rights.

Consider, again, animal rights, where we also see this lack of pragmatism that typifies liberal extremists. The only thing that will ever actually improve the conditions of farmed animals is if you eat them—and then only eat the most humanely treated of them, thereby economically compelling the industry to compete on that metric. If you just “don’t eat them,” then your dollars are not “gettable,” and consequently the industry has no reason to care about your humane treatment goals. You will therefore never accomplish them. Animals go on suffering because you are a fool.

The same happens if you advocate outlawing the eating of animals: you will simply never have the votes to make that ever happen, ever, in the entire history of the human race. And so their conditions won’t improve at all. You have just failed the Trolley Problem, guaranteeing animals suffer more for yet another century than they would have if you “pulled the switch” and did something that would actually improve their welfare. Likewise, rather than arguing over whether PETA should “endorse” or “tolerate” lab-grown meat (and eggs and milk and honey, BTW, which should be even easier to develop), PETA should be fundraising to accelerate and support that entire industry—for the same reason that anyone who actually wants to reduce the number of abortions in America should be funding free universal IUDs and science-based sex education.

Pragmatism is a necessary tool of political accomplishment. What typifies extreme liberals is a failure to understand this. And even mainstream liberals can fail at pragmatic messaging.

Conclusion

The left can go too far. But most of the left isn’t doing that. In fact, I think most of the left is too conservative. Hence conservative complaints that most of the left agrees with its extremist fringe is as bogus and delusional as most everything else conservatives maintain. The actual metric for “too far” is the same for the left as for the right: fascism (endorsing actual coercion rather than sticking to criticism and persuasion) and “emotivism” (replacing reason and evidence with feelings and emotions). And these metrics can be used to find the line in any particular. Some “cancel culture” is legitimate; some is not. Some methods of protest are legitimate; some are not. Some versions of a policy are sound; some are not.

Reasonable liberalism requires a strong adherence to evidence-based belief and policy, and a genuine commitment to non-coercive methods of getting what you want. It means questioning your own emotions and community and sources as much as you do the government or any other institution of power—while still having reasonable thresholds for trusting them. Liberalism means the reasonable pursuit and defense of human freedoms, while abandoning wasteful or self-defeating rules or traditions. It means admitting many of our current beliefs and systems are dysfunctional or obsolete, and making real, incremental, and empirically-defensible steps towards fixing them. It thus means embracing progress (and thus change) as a positive social good—but doing that on a basis of evidence and reason.

-:-

In comments, I welcome questions about how I would apply these same principles to any specific policies not here mentioned (regarding what would be too conservative or too liberal). But please remember to adhere to my comments policy. And remember I believe in evidence-based policy, so any speculation I answer with here is subject to being tested against the evidence before being certain. And please cite sources for any example you mention. In other words, avoid hypotheticals. Only ask about an actual policy or proposal—and link to a source documenting an actual person or entity proposing or enacting it. Because both context and particulars matter. Forgetting that is the first step towards distorting reality and losing the plot—the beginning of delusion.

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