Six years ago Arthur Brooks published Who Really Cares (which has gone through several subtitles, from America’s Charity Divide to Who Gives, Who Doesn’t, and Why It Matters to The Surprising Truth About Compassionate Conservatism). This book is still triumphantly cited by many conservatives and libertarians as proving various dubious things, but especially two in particular: that atheists are less charitable than religious believers, and that privatizing all social welfare would improve social welfare.

But this book is largely a sham. It cooks the numbers and uses devious logical tricks to make it seem as though its conclusions are true, when in fact they demonstrably are not (or at best are demonstrably undemonstrated). A good skeptic doesn’t just believe what she reads; she checks the facts and the logic to make sure she’s not being snowed. Sadly, libertarians (usually men) who cite this book at me (as happened last year in a private communication) are bad skeptics. Because they don’t treat this book skeptically. At all. It just corroborates their ideology, so obviously it can’t be incorrect about anything, and one shouldn’t even think to check if it is.

This struck me the moment that exchange happened: a notable man claimed to me that data in Who Really Cares proves that “the working poor” give “three times more” to charity than anyone “on public assistance” at the same income level, and therefore public welfare makes people less charitable. Of course, right away I was suspicious, since it seems absurd to think someone who can only survive by receiving charity should be expected to give anything to charity. (Can you imagine badmouthing a disabled homeless person dependent on your soup kitchen and group home for not giving anything to charity…that lousy miser!)

But more importantly to today’s lesson, I was immediately suspicious of the statistic. I mean, what exactly is meant by “on public assistance” and “charity” here, and whose incomes are actually being compared? Where did the number (“three times more”) come from? A good skeptic, I decided to go look at what data Brooks was using, and how he was using it. After all, before discussing such claims or using them, that’s the first thing anyone should do, yes? So that’s what I did.

And what I found fucking pissed me off.

Not because this snowjob of a book is being used to malign atheists and even moderate liberals while making fundamentalists and conservatives feel good about in fact being assholes. I’m used to that. And not just because it was making false claims, supported by dubious means. That would merely be annoying. No, what pissed me off was how egregiously and shamelessly this bullshit was being argued and passed off. What pissed me off is that I had to go and fucking buy this garbage book, locate and parse its specific claims, hunt down the articles and databases it was using, and then, after all that, not actually learn anything I didn’t know, but instead discover how enormous a Kim-Jong-Un-fake-storefront this really was. And how many people are falling for it. Because they don’t act like good skeptics.

So let’s go on a ride today, and see how skepticism should actually work when forming your political and economic beliefs.

First That Bullshit about Atheists

Does church make you more charitable? Brooks claims it does, and throws all kinds of dubious statistics out to attempt to make it seem so. Alas, his entire sham on this count has already been exposed by the sharp and thorough analysis of Roy Sablosky, who has a whole website devoted to refuting this kind of bullshit. His flagship articles on this topic there ought to be required reading: “The Myth of Christian Charity” Part One and Part Two. (For further debunking see Luke Galen and Jim Lindgren and Ed Babinski.)

Among many other things, Sablosky shows (from the very same data Brooks relies on) that in fact atheists who attend atheist meetings and events (or the meetings and events of any group, like a bowling club) give as much to charity (in money and volunteering) as believers who attend religious meetings and events. Thus, social group activity, not religion, correlates with charitable giving. The trickery used to make it seem otherwise reminds me of the cooked studies always cited to “show” that believers are happier and healthier and less insane than atheists. Also bullshit.

Next The WTF

In his book Brooks repeatedly cites his own peer reviewed paper as supporting his thesis that “all the findings on welfare suggest that policy reforms that lower dependency should raise charity” (WRC, p. 87) and that he can “say with some certainty” that reliance on welfare will “lower charity” (WRC, p. 91). So I checked that peer reviewed article of his. In it he concludes:

The [charity] sector as a whole would probably see little change from welfare increases, and these changes would be swamped by increases in giving proceeding from growing income and wealth across the population. In other words, damage to the sector is not a persuasive argument against welfare aid.

— “Welfare Receipt and Private Charity,” Public Budgeting & Finance, Fall 2002, p. 112

Um. What happened to “all the findings on welfare suggest that policy reforms that lower dependency should raise charity”? Even his own (and only relevant) peer reviewed findings showed exactly the opposite. Why is he certain that reliance on welfare “lowers charity” when his own peer reviewed study found that it did not? I didn’t see where he mentions this glaring self-contradiction in his book. WTF? How could someone think they would get away with this? And then, appallingly, get away with it! As he has. Because the fools who cite this study at me, clearly don’t know it refutes the very point Brooks claims it proves. Bad skeptics. Really, really bad skeptics.

Oh, and by the way, yes, for the pages in which he claims people on welfare are less charitable, his cited sources consist solely of just one article…that article by Brooks himself. And one unpublished manuscript…by Brooks. The book does not stick to the same methods and results as in the paper for PB&F. He reports instead getting his new data from a state database, but doesn’t show how he derives his results from it. I checked that database myself. Against what Brooks claims in his book. Guess what…

Then The Asshat Conflation

I checked Brooks’s “people on welfare give less” claims (WRC, pp. 80-85) and found right away that people on social security and unemployment assistance and food stamps and public housing were all excluded from “people on welfare.” Seriously? That is sham methodology, and pretty much an act of deliberate deception, since if you don’t carefully catch this (as people citing his book at me didn’t), you will think when he says “people on welfare” he means people on fucking welfare; not people who aren’t on hardly any of the things we normally call “welfare.” Social security and unemployment insurance and food stamps (an anachronism I admit; the actual stamps have been replaced with SNAP cards) and public housing are together the mother of all welfare programs. Indeed, even people receiving Medicaid and other forms of medical welfare are not included in his set, either.

So who does he actually mean by “people on welfare give less” when he didn’t measure the giving of hardly any “people on welfare”? When we look at who actually is in his extremely narrow (and thus conceptually bogus) category of “welfare,” Brooks names just two groups, recipients of TANF and SSI. Holy fucking shit. Do you know what SSI is? It is for the disabled. People who have greater income needs due to medical costs and working around their disability, and who in fact to qualify for it they literally can’t work because of their total disability. So comparing them to the “working poor” is shockingly disingenuous. And to malign them as “giving less” is just appalling. And using this mass insult to the disabled to malign all other people on welfare as if they were found to give less to charity (even though evidently they weren’t, because Brooks conspicuously doesn’t discuss what he found for them…and again, “them” meaning by far most people on welfare) is disgusting.

Basically, this is compassionate conservatism: “Fuck those fucking cripples, lazy ungenerous moochers the lot of them! I don’t want any of my dollars going to those stingy assholes!” And yes, mere dollars. At about $53 billion annually against a $3.5 trillion budget, SSI is about 1/66th of your tax dollar, or about ten dollars a month, if you are paying a 21% rate on a $38,000 income, or about $8000 (and that’s if you have no deductions). Just to help feed and house people too badly disabled to work and who can only barely take care of themselves (or in some cases not even that). People you could at any moment join the ranks of, and thus need this assistance for. I’m calling it like it is. Bitching about a tenner a month for this makes Brooks a monumental dick. And likewise anyone who cites this book as evidence we should ditch SSI.

The only other program he includes is TANF. Weirdly, his peer reviewed paper actually recommends expanding TANF (p. 113) and cites evidence that doing so is good for the economy and will help people escape poverty (and thus reduce the need for welfare). His book meanwhile appears to do nothing but insist TANF should be abolished. Try to figure that one out. What is TANF? It is a special temporary emergency poverty aid. Which means: anyone claiming it, is therefore at the end of their rope, and thus not at all comparable to a stable working family. So for Brooks to compare these groups is again deceitful. And to use this sham comparison to argue for abolishing TANF is sickening.

TANF, by the way, is successful by every actual outcome measure. Indeed even Brooks himself concludes (in his peer reviewed article), “My estimates suggest that, in addition to the primary incentive effects that these programs have on wealth creation and self-sufficiency, they should have a positive impact on social capital and the nonprofit economy.” So anyone citing the book as saying the opposite is faced with a problem. When under peer review the author supports conclusions exactly the opposite, what should you conclude? Hey. You do the math. I’m just asking questions. (Snark.)

The only other welfare program clocked in the database Brooks used is AFDC but that was discontinued in 1996. Note that Brooks says “such as” TANF and SSI, when in fact those are the only programs his data track for the year he is speaking of. Thus he implies there are other programs in his compared group when in fact there are not. I should also add that at no point did Brooks control for cost of living. Yet he admits most welfare recipients (in his extremely narrow category of “welfare”) live in cities, and most (by his standards) comparable working poor live well outside cities, and thus their incomes are not in fact at all comparable. Because they have vastly different costs of living. (So do the disabled, BTW. And people reduced to poverty by medical expenses.) That’s not just bad methodology. That’s a shit methodology. (And, of course, he also didn’t check the data for countries other than the U.S.)

Even Under Peer Review it Collapses into Nonsense

The methods Brooks deployed in his PB&F paper are also confused and hosed, but in a different way (using different data). There he finds (more or less credibly, although he does use some questionable finessing) that the more your income comes from welfare (here he counts all cash and food), the less percentage of income you give away (e.g. “A 10 percent increase in welfare payments in the form of cash and food stamps corresponds to a 1.4 percent decrease in giving,” p. 110), which is not a surprising finding, since the more you are taking from welfare means you are falling farther on hard times, which is precisely when you should be expected to give less. Brooks also doesn’t control for differences in cost of living (a fatal problem as I already explained).

But the silliest thing of all is that the differences he is actually talking about in this paper are in the range of only a hundred dollars a year. Yes. His whole paper is about whether a family gives, say, thirty dollars to charity or sixty. In a year. In fact the average he finds to be $72 vs. $150. That’s the average annual giving for a welfare family vs. the working poor at the same income (p. 108). (Again, no control for variance in cost of living.) He also concedes his methodology was incapable of determining if the lack of ready cash was replaced with greater willingness to volunteer services or other non-cash gifts (p. 111). An omission that is also kind of fatal to the conclusion. One’s givingness could even be increasing (e.g. the unemployed having more time to help others) and his method wouldn’t know. But what I find funny is that this is all about a difference of a mere seventy dollars a year.

In other words, these are insignificant numbers. If you didn’t know that, you might think he was talking about differences that were actually substantive. This isn’t about whether welfare recipients would double their giving if they weren’t such moochers. It’s whether, when they are so strapped that they have to live on charity, they will think it’s safe to give away an extra seventy dollars a year (the cost of a single ticket to a football game; but also a month’s worth of groceries for one person). When they need to get out of the hole they are in so as not to be on charity anymore? There is no sound reason to expect that of them. Much less to “blame the welfare” for it.

Conclusion

In actual fact, even the American welfare system is remarkably efficient (and that’s saying something, since it almost consistently sucks across the board in comparison with most other Western democracies). Mike Konczal, in “No, We Don’t Spend $1 Trillion on Welfare Each Year,” finds we spend closer to $212 billion a year on what people usually mean by welfare, which means exclusive of, for example, Social Security pensions and medical programs: the latter we pay for with tax-based premiums, so we earn them (unless we are too poor to); while to maintain the former costs an average working class household only forty dollars a month. Seriously. Conservatives are bitching about forty dollars a month. Forty fucking dollars. Oh, wait, my bad. #NotAllTaxpayers. If you are earning $76,000 a year, then it’s eighty dollars. Yeah. That’s rough. Just one grand a year. Out of $76,000. But hey, when it means you are stuck taking home only $60,000 instead of $61,000, who can afford to lose a single grand? Amiright? Bueller? Bueller?

Welfare systems can be improved and made more efficient in a variety of ways. And made more effective. Their most important outcome measure should be the proportion of recipients becoming independent of the aid. (Except in cases where that’s impossible, e.g., SSI, and standard Social Security, which is just a secure retirement insurance policy the recipient has paid the premiums for their whole life already). And TANF, by the way, has been more effective at doing that (in the U.S.) than any other welfare program yet deployed. Maybe with improvements it could do even better. But even then, and either way, the solution to bad government is better government. Not turning the U.S. into the Third World. (Although it’s worth noting that as of recently even Mexico has free national health care for all its citizens.)

Most secular charity is effected through the state. Our charities are not churches. They’re governments. Rather than give arbitrarily to unaccountable private and prejudiced charities (though of course we do vet some private charities as reliable vehicles of emergency additional voluntary aid), most secularists would prefer, for the most essential and universal needs, an accountable and reliable and legally neutral system paid for by a market-and-infrastructure use fee on the people who benefit the most from the existence and stability of that market and infrastructure. In other words, the wealthy have benefited the most; they should give the most. And this should be contractually agreed to. And is. Our nation is just one big corporation, in which each citizen is a shareholder. The shareholders (through their elected board of directors: i.e., Congress) democratically voted that each shareholder shall either invest a certain amount into the company every year in order to keep reaping the benefits of that country (and to pay for the benefits already received), or else surrender their share of ownership in the country (in other words, their citizenship).

Which is fair. Because they, too, are and have been mooching off this country. So they owe a use fee back, for the services and insurances they get out of it. If they don’t want to pay, they can reject the services. Get out of the country. But if they want the benefits, they have to pay for them. And by the way, even for this point I mean mooching in the appropriate ways, too, e.g. a legal system and road system and sanitation and fire stations and an educated populace and so on, all the things that make getting and staying rich even possible in this country (even though, yes, the rich also take more in outright state welfare than the poor, and that is indeed appalling). This is a democratic corporate shareholder agreement that would be binding and legitimate even in a Libertarian dreamverse. So there can be no valid ideological basis for objecting. Unless you intend to object to democracy. And the very idea of corporate ownership. And the very idea of paying for the services and insurances you rely upon, when you have the means to.

The point I’m making, though, is that when Christians want to compare charitable giving to somehow claim who is more compassionate, they are lying about the numbers if they don’t also count who is voting for tax-based state charity. Because the fact is, no private charity is even a fraction as successful as state charities have been. The Christian Church, even if all sects united again to serve the Vatican in one great unit, would not be able to produce a significant fraction of what we atheists have achieved through the more reliable method of charging use fees on the system. Could the Vatican take over SSI and TANF? Much less all health care aid, citizen pensions (Social Security), unemployment insurance, federal disaster insurance, housing and food assistance for the poor? Nope. Too many hundreds of billions. If they did that, they couldn’t afford expensive digs for the Pope and his fancy Cardinals anymore.

And do you know how we know removing those things won’t result in private charities stepping up to replace them? Because that’s why we fucking created them. No one stepped up to do any of these things. So much for Christian charity. Free medical care? Fuck you, sick people. No Christian charity or collection thereof was doing it. So we stepped up and fucking did it. And now they are complaining about this efficient charity we created, which we created because they refused to create it themselves. And then they have the gall to boast of how much more charitable they are than us. Seriously.

And what about keeping the disabled from becoming homeless, destitute, starving, and dead? Christians refused to do hardly anything about that, too. So we did. Protecting the elderly from volatile markets, corporate bankruptcies, fraud and greed by guaranteeing them a stable buy-in pension fund? Solved by Christianity? Nope. Solved by the secular state? Yep. Feed the starving? Reduce homelessness? In the U.S., Christians help maybe a few million scattered about. The state helps tens of millions, everywhere there is need. It is precisely because soup kitchens don’t cut it and never did, that SNAP exists at all. If Christians were actually feeding “the poor,” no one would need SNAP.

So all you Christian conservatives who think private charity should replace public welfare: if you care so much about that, then fucking do it. Replace all welfare with your own private charities. Then we will talk about whether to cut public welfare programs. Until that happens, shut up, and fuck off. I’m tired of your lies and petty selfish greed. And especially your sham boasts of being more charitable than us. Because we know you aren’t. In fact, by and large, you are the most stingy and heartless demographic of any considerable size in this country.

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